I have often come back here to try to write some sort of a conclusion to the years of activity on this site, but have not figured out what, exactly, to say.
Yet I find it annoying to have the last post be something as trifling as the one about that debate, because this site does contain some contributions which future historians might be interested in as minor examples of the era when people blogged about feminism.
So this note is a placeholder for a proper, more meaningful post. In the meantime, I hope you are all well.
Added on 2/26:
Which types of posts would you think might deserve consideration at some time in the future when interest in feminist analysis might have reawakened? Any suggestions?
I think my economics posts are still good, and probably quite a few critique posts about sexist social science papers, neurosexism, the weird type of evolutionary psychology, and the misuse of statistics. Thoughts?
1. I tried to watch the Biden-Trump debate last night but instead my television gave me a show where two kindergarten children were having temper tantrums with red faces, bulging eyes and a lot of fist-shaking, and the supervising teacher was a powerless ninny. Well, one of the children threw most of the tantrums and refused to listen to the teacher/moderator*, so then the other child had to also yell and bellow, in order to get any attention at all.
Sadly, that was the debate in the presidential elections of the still most powerful country on earth. I had to turn on closed captioning as I was unable to understand what was being said. That could have been because I am not a native speaker of English but more likely it was because neither is really Donald Trump.
It was all a waste of time, as more time had to be spent reading what the two men had actually said and also counting all Trump lies.
2. My keyboard is old and has given me lots of trouble, recently. Pressing the h-key gives five h's and then I have to delete four of them, and pressing the comma-key gives three commas. The reason, my friends lies deep behind the keys. Years of muck. Today the Command-key stopped functioning which made copying and pasting impossible. So I took a corn cob fork to the keys.
That is not the recommended approach, mind you, but now my keyboard works again. However, I also removed the space-bar and only then went to the website where they tell you that under no circumstances should you remove the space-bar as it is extremely difficult to put back.
Indeed, and even more difficult if the microscopic pieces of white plastic playing some role in the behind-part of the bar fly high into the air and then disappear into the darker corners of the room. But I DID put the space-bar back, and although it looks drunken it works.
3. What has kept me from turning even weirder than I already am, in these times of the horrible plague, is my garden. The plot is not large but it is full of plant and animal life, including hundreds of bees and even quite a few butterflies. Also robins which are so tame that when I have my breakfast sitting on the steps they try to steal my croissant.
There is a wonderful beauty in the way the garden dies for the winter, and nothing smells as delicious as good soil in the autumn. I love the combination of the scattered late flowers, bee-covered, with the yellowing ferns and the bright red dogwood leaves.
I also have a surprise late flowering from a plant with white lacy flowers. I bought it at a plant sale a year ago as chives.
The thing is: It's not chives, and I am not at all sure that it even belongs to the alliums or is edible. I didn't know that earlier so chopped the leaves up and put them in an omelet, though I did notice that they didn't seem to have any flavor. This is called a natural experiment which establishes if a plant is poisonous or not (do not attempt at home).
The sad thing, of course, is that the plant was sold as chives. But that Donald Trump is the leader of the so-called Free World is much, much sadder.
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*I kept sternly telling the moderator to mute his mics, but he didn't listen, either.
Donald Trump thinks that replacing Ruth Bader Ginsburg with Amy Coney Barrett on the bench of the US Supreme Court is an excellent idea. After all, wimminz is wimminz, right?
Bader Ginsburg was an incredible fighter for the law to treat women and men fairly*. Coney Barrett's views on what fair treatment might be are likely to be just a little different as I wrote in 2018 when she was also considered for the court.
If they can, the Democrats should refuse to grant Coney Barrett a hearing before the elections, the way the Republicans did in 2016 with Obama's candidate to the Supreme Court, Judge Merrick Garland.
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* This source lists five laws which Bader Ginsburg championed before she became a Supreme Court Justice. Reading the list is also a good reminder of how very recent many of those changes are, even though most of us now take them for granted.
On Surrogacy
A July NYT article frames the question of surrogacy as pitting two progressive causes (feminism and LGBT+ rights) against each other. It also introduces us to a rather surprising concept of fertility rights:
While plenty of New Yorkers have formed families by gestational surrogacy, they almost certainly worked with carriers living elsewhere. Because until early April, paying a surrogate to carry a pregnancy was illegal in New York state.
The change to the law, which happened quietly in the midst of the state’s effort to contain the coronavirus, capped a decade-long legislative battle and has laid the groundwork for a broader movement in pursuit of what some activists have termed “fertility equality.”
Still in its infancy, this movement envisions a future when the ability to create a family is no longer determined by one’s wealth, sexuality, gender or biology.
“This is about society extending equality to its final and logical conclusion,” said Ron Poole-Dayan, the founder and executive director of Men Having Babies, a New York nonprofit that helps gay men become fathers through surrogacy. “True equality doesn’t stop at marriage. It recognizes the barriers L.G.B.T.s face in forming families and proposes solutions to overcome these obstacles.”
Notice how "creating a family" and "forming families" are used in that quote. It's quite clear that they are not including adoption as one way families can be formed.
Though this particular article focuses on gay men and fertility, the "fertility equality" concept would actually apply to people, in general. That right to pass one's genes on would not apply only to, say, gay men, but to all individuals, whether partnered or not, including all who are either medically infertile or who don't have physical access to a uterus, sperm or eggs.
After reading that NYT piece I felt uncomfortable and a little scared. On the one hand I truly sympathize with all who yearn to have children and cannot, for whatever reason, and I also understand the activists' argument that heterosexuals have always been in a better position to pass their genes on than homosexuals, and that there is a certain existential unfairness about that.
On the other hand, my mind flashed me pictures of a dystopian future where a certain sub-class of women, largely defined by abject poverty and possibly also by race or ethnicity, would become global breeders for the wealthiest socially or medically infertile individuals and couples.
The clear dangers this new movement would pose, should it become widespread, ought not to be swept under the progressive carpet: The increased demand for surrogacy it would create would be satisfied by poor women with few other income-earning alternatives (1), and the clear power imbalance between the two parties in any such surrogacy contract would require, as a minimum, strong regulatory oversight (2).
I also don't agree that any of us has a fundamental right to biological parenthood, though I do believe that we have the right to refuse it (3).
But my discomfort with this story has also to do with the way it plays across the sex classes male and female. While the benefits from easier access to wombs (as well as to eggs and sperm when surrogacy is interpreted in a wider context) are likely to be greater for men as a class (4), the negative consequences of that easier access are almost completely concentrated on women as a class:
The medical risks of donating or selling sperm are minimal, but egg donations or sale require the injection of hormones and an invasive procedure (under sedation) to retrieve the eggs (and nobody seems to have studied the possible long-run health effects of that), and gestational surrogacy (5) is at least as risky as pregnancy in general and probably even riskier.
More importantly, the commercial market legal surrogacy creates is best understood as one of the markets (6) which sells or rents access to the sexual/reproductive parts of the female body. Though labor markets, of course, can in general be viewed as sites where we rent out our bodies (and minds) for various tasks, the difference here is that the markets trading in access to the sexual/reproductive parts of male bodies are extremely tiny when compared to the markets trading in access to the sexual/reproductive parts of female bodies.
That difference matters when judging the desirability of markets for legal surrogacy. It matters even more when we remember that globally we are still quite far from true equality of men and women and that in some parts of this world women have little say over how their bodies might be used. In such places a vibrant market for surrogacy could create yet another way for others to exploit vulnerable women. Surrogacy can become a big business and those most likely to financially benefit from it are probably not the surrogates but the owners of surrogacy agencies.
On Sex Work
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(1) Places where paid surrogacy is or has been legal include Russia, India and Ukraine, though India is in the process of curtailing it. There are negative reports from Ukraine on the unregulated aspects of the industry, including ill-treatment of the surrogates, but the country has been a popular destination for foreign couples seeking a surrogate.
Likewise, some earlier reports from India talk about the exploitation of the surrogates while others point out that surrogacy is one of the few available ways for the poorest of women to improve the lives of their families and themselves. I was unable to find out much about the Russian surrogacy industry except that it seems vast and caters to foreigners looking for a surrogate and that a recent human trafficking case exists against some surrogacy agencies.
(2) Those able to afford surrogacy are likely to be much wealthier than the women agreeing to be surrogates and this gives the former more power.
And, as Gloria Steinem noted in her letter opposing the new surrogacy law in New York state, creating a market for surrogacy is not that far removed in its risks from allowing a commercial market for, say, kidneys, and it should be scrutinized equally rigorously.
The new New York law does provide some safeguards against the exploitation of the surrogate, but in my opinion it still has several problems, including the fact that it places no upper level on how many surrogacy pregnancies a woman can undertake.
(3) I mean that in general, not in the sense of judging different groups of potential parents against each other. This is because becoming a genetic parent requires the participation of another person and results in yet another person being born, and the well-being of those other individuals also matters.
The danger in using the rights-language in this context is that it disguises the possibly unsavory ways in which those rights could be satisfied by ignoring the well-being of others. The commercialization of women's reproductive systems is one of those unsavory ways.
(4) Because Lesbian (female-bodied) couples, to pick one example, are much less likely to need a surrogate than gay couples as in most cases they already manage access to a uterus.
It's also true, however, that the situation where commercial surrogacy is illegal offers Lesbian couples more alternatives to having their own genetic children than it does to gay couples. This is because it is easier to acquire sperm than eggs and acquiring those is far, far easier than finding someone who is willing to undergo pregnancy on behalf of others for altruistic reasons, the only kind of surrogacy which is allowed when commercial surrogacy is ruled out. And gay (male-bodied) couples don't have wombs.
(5) A gestational surrogacy does not use the surrogate's egg(s). This means that she is not genetically related to the child she produces.
(6) The others, today, are markets for sexual services of various kinds. A historical example of another similar market is wet nursing.
(7) This term is often used very widely, to include not only what is called prostitution but also the creation of pornographic material, exotic dancing and so on. It is also sometimes applied to people who do no direct sex work, such as owners of escort agencies or pimps. In this post I use the term to refer to only direct hands-on (!!) type of sex work. Prostitution would be the closest match to the way I use the term in this post.
(8) Indeed, the term "sex work" doesn't tell us that the work is aimed at bringing sexual relief not to every adult but to a mostly male clientele. There is very little sex work aimed at the female market out there.
I realized that last night, so want to share it with you!
It might be time to remind everyone that although most consumers in the markets for sex are men, most men are not consumers in the markets for sex. Likewise, although most sex workers are women, most women are not sex workers. The point, of course, is not to make false generalizations or to attribute genetic guilt to, say, all male-bodied people.
(9) Because all my haz mat suits are in the laundry, but also because to say something meaningful requires empirical evidence I have not been able to find.
The amount of evidence that is needed is so enormous that I can't even think of a quick way of summarizing it, but it should certainly cover thorough demographic, earnings and life-long health information on large samples of sex workers, from the highest paid escorts to those who work in the streets, the actual hierarchical structures of sex work firms and the profits they make, comparative data from countries with different legal rules about how to handle prostitution and how those differences affect sex trafficking and the well-being of sex workers, and so on.
The online debates I have followed tend not to employ empirical data but are most often based on anecdotal evidence which might apply to one case but not to other cases and tell us little about the overall statistics.
For part 1 of this post go here and for part 2 here.
Finally, the last part of this post which I should not have framed as a play. Perhaps as a metaphoric marathon crawl across silences of various kinds?
1.
Anyway, this is the finale of this post. I am going to begin with the reactions to the Harpers letter. They are quite diverse, ranging from enthusiastic agreement (1) with the message of the letter to most adamant disagreement.
Some responses aimed for an analysis of both sides in the debate, though not necessarily in a neutral manner, some saw the original letter as much ado about nothing, and several pointed out that the current voices accused of practicing cancel culture are also the voices which have traditionally been silenced (2), and that those who wrote the original piece as well as most of those who signed it are certainly not without a platform even if some of them have faced attempts of deplatforming (3).
So what is the overall conclusion from all this? I don't think there is one, but that is partly because different writers chose to debate different issues. It is, indeed, true that debates today are open to many groups which were previously silenced, and it is also true that most of the original signatories of the Harpers letter have no real risk of being pushed off their pedestals by the cancel culture or by deplatforming. And having a wider arena for debates, with more participants, is something we should welcome.
At the same time, the form such interactions takes is of importance, and it matters that all relevant evidence can be discussed. I believe that it is useful to keep our focus on that question and to try to keep it separate from the question who it is who today is mostly using the cancelling method and whether we like the political opinions of that group or not. This is because the method itself has no political label and is 'inclusive' of all sides.
2.
The second act to this post covered most of the extra influence anonymous online access has had on the cancellation phenomenon: It has super-charged it.
But in this it has also been helped by many employers' greater willingness to fire workers whose online opinions, even private ones, are seen as causing the firm awkward PR problems (4).
The case of Emmanuel Cafferty might be one of the more extreme examples of what can go wrong when the accusers and the judge are essentially the same anonymous online presences:
What happened to Emmanuel Cafferty is an especially egregious example. At the end of a long shift mapping underground utility lines, he was on his way home, his left hand casually hanging out the window of the white pickup truck issued to him by the San Diego Gas & Electric company. When he came to a halt at a traffic light, another driver flipped him off.
Then, Cafferty told me a few days ago, the other driver began to act even more strangely. He flashed what looked to Cafferty like an “okay” hand gesture and started cussing him out. When the light turned green, Cafferty drove off, hoping to put an end to the disconcerting encounter.
But when Cafferty reached another red light, the man, now holding a cellphone camera, was there again. “Do it! Do it!” he shouted. Unsure what to do, Cafferty copied the gesture the other driver kept making. The man appeared to take a video, or perhaps a photo.
Two hours later, Cafferty got a call from his supervisor, who told him that somebody had seen Cafferty making a white-supremacist hand gesture, and had posted photographic evidence on Twitter. (Likely unbeknownst to most Americans, the alt-right has appropriated a version of the “okay” symbol for their own purposes because it looks like the initials for “white power”; this is the symbol the man accused Cafferty of making when his hand was dangling out of his truck.) Dozens of people were now calling the company to demand Cafferty’s dismissal.
By the end of the call, Cafferty had been suspended without pay. By the end of the day, his colleagues had come by his house to pick up the company truck. By the following Monday, he was out of a job.
Cafferty is a big, calm, muscular man in his 40s who was born and raised in a diverse working-class community on the south side of San Diego. On his father’s side, he has both Irish and Mexican ancestors. His mother is Latina. “If I was a white supremacist,” he told me, “I would literally have to hate 75 percent of myself.”
The point of that long excerpt is not to ask you to judge if the firm was correct in firing Cafferty (5), but to see why the most cost-effective alternative for any ordinary firm facing that same PR disaster just might be to fire the possible culprit as fast as possible:
The problem would go away (all those emails would stop), no customers would be lost to boycotts, and replacement workers willing to do the fired person's job are usually a dime a dozen in the labor market.
This is especially the case when the presumed violation is one which almost everyone in the society deplores and when the trade union movement is weak or nonexistent.
In these circumstances a firm stating that they are going to take their time studying the case would probably be accused of siding with the unpopular cause, and certainly so if the firm then declared the worker as most likely innocent of any wrong-doing. In other words, all practical considerations would recommend speedy firing as the best way to sort out the PR nightmare the firm is facing (6).
But this, in turn, raises the costs of participating in online political debates and reduces the likelihood that debates will be open (7). Thus, while one observer argued that the spinelessness of the institutional leaders is not the fault of those who have contacted them, the two phenomena (aggressive online pressure groups and leaders unwilling to take unpopular positions) work together to reduce the likelihood of truly open debates.
3.
A fairly recent argument against speech which does not directly incite violence is that it can make individuals hearing it feel unsafe and should therefore be prevented as harmful.
I saw this referenced in a few of the articles addressing the Harpers letter and its signatories. The proposal that college campuses should be safe spaces to students (or at least to students from historically marginalized groups) is a familiar one to most of us (though I, for one, had not realized that it had migrated into the post-college world). Thus, we might get a clearer picture on how safety concerns might operate in public debates by looking at the term inside its original home: some progressive universities.
What does it mean to argue that speech is harmful because it makes those who hear it feel unsafe on campus? Getting a precise answer to this question is tough for an outsider, as I found out, but some light might be cast by the following definition of a safe space:
A place (as on a college campus) intended to be free of bias, conflict, criticism, or potentially threatening actions, ideas, or conversations … student volunteers put up posters advertising that a "safe space" would be available for anyone who found the debate too upsetting
Also, I found these two different ideas about the concept of campus safe spaces thought-provoking:
What do we even mean when we talk about “safe spaces?” Today, it’s particularly difficult to have productive conversations <sic> safe spaces due to the term’s multiplicity of definitions. For example, a recent Slate article criticizing the UChicago letter explained that “‘safe spaces’ on campus typically describe extracurricular groups that are intended to be havens for historically marginalized students.”
That’s certainly one meaning of the term. Emotional refuges like OSAPR and Room 13 as well as cultural groups are often referred to as “safe spaces.” With this definition, “safe” denotes emotional protection. These groups provide students the opportunity to feel secure in times of distress and dysfunction, and they also provide a sense of community. Few would dispute the importance of these emotional spaces on campus.
...
But there’s another different (but also beneficial) type of “safe space”: academic safe spaces. The idea of an academic safe space stresses the end goal of encouraging individuals to speak. In this type of space, people are still made to feel uncomfortable, yet it’s “safe” to take intellectual risks and explore any line of thought. Here, “safety” protects your right to make others uncomfortable with ideas and rational arguments. It’s important to note that in this setting, free speech is the end goal. This type of safety is commonly emphasized in in classrooms and discussion groups, where open dialogue is particularly valuable.
The author of the quoted piece suggests that the confusion over the term "safe" could result if these two definitions are fused together. In other words, one type of safety seems to imply that debates should be limited while the other type of safety suggests the opposite. Which of the two (if either) would better describe the concept of safety in current political debates, including the debate about having or not having debates in the first place?
My impression is that it is the first definition of safe spaces I gave above, having to do with emotional protection against potentially "threatening actions, ideas and conversations" (8), though other interpretations are possible. For instance, what's called unsafe in some online debates could be a hybrid of these two concepts, mixing together the desire for emotional protection with the desire to have one's own framework of ideas centered or at least prominent within the debate (rather than ignored).
As I write in footnote (8), the idea of safety in open debates is well worth further exploring (9). Nevertheless, as the concept is currently used it is likely to stifle debates.
That's because there are no third party independent judges who would decide when a particular speech indeed is so harmful that it makes others unsafe well past some level of minor discomfort. Instead, the current setup gives the rights of defining what is harmful speech to one side of the debates (the one which declares that they feel unsafe). This clearly offers opportunities for exploiting the concept in ways which can contribute to cancel culture and limit important speech, including in cases where rights clash and open debate about the necessary compromises is required.
My understanding of what the word "safe" might mean in this context is limited, because I am very much outside the sub-culture in which the term has flourished. But it sounds to me a little like the way some right-wing religious people use their faith in political debates:
Certain issues must remain outside any debate because bringing them into the debate would be close to blasphemy, in particular when an atheist addresses them. One cannot criticize god or a believer's interpretations of what god wants, just as one cannot inquire what makes some speech so dangerous that hearing it makes someone feel fundamentally unsafe.
While it is possible to respect the reasons for such feelings, they nevertheless serve to close down debates.
4.
This post has had such a long incubation period because it is about silences, and the more I tried to grapple with the topic the more quiet I turned. I am not sure if the three parts of this post contain anything very useful for others, but they have clarified my own views about this topic.
I believe in debates as a means of learning. That learning is not limited to finding out what my ideological opponents are saying and what evidence they are marshalling in support of their arguments, but also extends to greater understanding of my own views about the topic under debate.
I especially benefit from studying any information that the other side presents by going to investigate the original sources I am provided, and also by going on my own hunting trips for evidence which the other side in the debate does not wish to be made available.
The process is not always pleasant. In fact, the more threatening I find the topic the more uncomfortable the process is. But then going to the dentist because of an infected tooth is not pleasant either, except in comparison to letting the infection continue unchecked.
But there is also always a certain kind of joy in learning more, even when the process is somewhat unpleasant, and at the end of all the work I do I get the rewards of knowing more about the issue being debated and having more trust in what I might be able to contribute about it in future debates.
It is for these reasons (which I believe have wider applicability) that I deplore the negative online influences on today's political debates.
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(1) As one might expect, the most enthusiastic agreement with the criticisms comes from the political right, both in the US and in the UK. But if we were talking about the previous round of this culture the condemnation of it would have come from the left because that previous round was employed by the right. Thus, purely politically motivated discussions of the issue are ultimately not very informative about the devices that cancellations use. And let us not forget that Donald Trump is very much one of the major users of attempted cancellations against his perceived enemies.
I also think that what someone's opinions on this issue are is almost completely dependent on which particular examples that person has come across. That subjectivity is something I noticed on my first reading of the materials and also something I pointed out in the first post of this series, because it is the way I approach the topic, too.
It would be far better, of course, if we could discuss the cancel culture on the basis of some generally approved statistical surveys or studies which list frequencies, classify the cases in terms of relevant characteristics, and so on, and which also give us good general data on how common the most violent types of cancellations are. But I know of no such study or survey. Indeed, given the current ideology bubbles, I wonder if any such study would ever be accepted by all sides in the debates about debating.
(2) This is an important criticism. But I believe that the Internet offers those previously not allowed into the debating room other equally powerful tactics which also contribute their voices to the debates.
This is not the case in all countries, particularly those where the government openly censors speech, but in the US, say, it is possible to create a platform for speech with very little money (if any) and it is also possible to vigorously comment and participate in existing online conversations and to create numerically large and therefore powerful online communities which can take political activism further.
(3) The term "deplatforming" comes initially from universities or their student unions stopping certain types of speakers to speak, thus denying them a platform. When universities do this they simply don't invite certain controversial speakers in the first place to speak on campus. When students do this they lobby to get invitations cancelled, or if unsuccessful in that, try to disrupt the event.
The term is no longer limited to universities and other such organizations, but is now also extended to, say, the banning policies various social media sites use, including Twitter and Reddit. (That Reddit has such banning policies is, of course, infinitely amusing from a different angle: Its existence is very much based on misogyny and the objectification of the female body for porn purposes, and those two aspects are never ever banned away.)
Deplatforming, in my opinion, is not exactly the same as cancelling someone, though both tactics now use some of the same online methods such as doxxing.
In its original form, when applied to campus speakers, deplatforming meant preventing someone from speaking in a particular place when that speech itself was considered harmful by the group doing the preventing, while cancellations apply to the consequences of already delivered possibly harmful speech. I doubt the distinction matters much in practice, though.
As an aside, I have always viewed deplatforming as one of those strategies which fall into the gray zone for me. In my opinion most speakers should not be deplatformed, though some should probably only be offered a platform if an opposing voice is included in the same physical debate.
But I do make a distinction about those whose speech has no other purpose than to incite violence (they should not be given a platform) and also about those "hate speakers" who bring no actual evidence to their arguments. The former speech is actually harmful in a very real sense (check what happened in Rwanda) and the latter is a complete waste of everyone's time as well as being rather insulting to many in its audience.
I also believe that deplatforming can sometimes backfire on those who desire it: Trying to hide what someone says might make more people curious about learning what on earth that might be, and those people could then be led into sources where the criticisms that would have been presented in an open debate are not equally available.
(4) The earlier examples of cancel culture which aimed at getting people fired appear to have focused on universities. Often the targets of cancellation were professors who expressed far left opinions in a private capacity and the mobs hunting them consisted of right-wingers. This is still the case, although both left and right wing views can make non-tenured professors vulnerable for being suspended and/or for not getting their contracts renewed.
What's different between that earlier case and the current events is that it is considerably harder to get, say, a professor in a public sector university fired than it is to get a truck driver fired. Professors there have First Amendment rights, tenure provides partial protection against attempts to fire them and the American Association of University Professors serves in the capacity of a professorial trade union.
(5) Cafferty's employer did state that they investigated the case against him but refuse to discuss the evidence which they decided was sufficient to result in his firing.
(6) Especially if the worker is an unimportant one. The rules they are different for famous people, of course.
Ethics might direct the firm in a different direction in even the cases where an ordinary worker is accused of hate speech, and so does more daylight on the possible cases where innocents have been cancelled.
(7) Imagine trying to learn all the banned hand gestures so that your fingers don't accidentally make them! Then imagine that you have to use the same kind of scrutiny in every tweet on all subject matters, trying to make sure that not a single person anywhere can misunderstand what you are trying to say. Conversations become very porridge-like in their clarity.
(8) Right-wing articles have used that to label progressive college students as fragile snowflakes who cannot take any kind of vigorous debate without melting. That is a silly interpretation.
To see why, consider this imaginary example:
A college invites a guest speaker to give a lecture on the topic of the intelligence of conservative students, and it is known that the speaker has argued elsewhere that conservatives are less intelligent than liberals.
Which group of students on that campus might now be made uncomfortable by that lecture? Which group of students might find that (made-up and untrue) topic threatening?
The point of that example is that speech of the kind which would make any student feel uncomfortable does not fall out of the sky like snow, covering everyone equally.
In particular, those most likely to call others names such as "fragile snowflakes" are also least likely to have, say, their own basic worth questioned in such speech because they stand on higher rungs of the societal power ladders and controversial speech tends to be aimed at the lower rungs.
The above does not mean that we should never debate controversial topics. But it is important to consider the differential impact such speech has on different sub-populations and to keep in mind that the two sides in a debate of this kind have very very different stakes in the game.
(9) And that exploration should also focus on all the other safety risks the cancelling of online speech can create: That innocent people might be accidentally doxxed and then harassed, that misogyny, racism and other similar -isms can be used to cancel speech and that the chaotic online processes created by avenging angels sometimes overshoot their goals and end up punishing a person for a fairly minor infraction in ways which can destroy that person's life for years.
For part 1 go here and for part 3 go here.
What does canceling mean in the context of political speech?
It does not mean making fierce, critical, or even rude comments about something someone has written or spoken when the intention of those is to debate the issue at hand (1). That, my friends, is joining the debate, though any moderator certainly has the right to mute that rudeness and should censor any ad hominem attacks.
Some have said that it is like cancelling the snail mail when you go on that beach vacation or like canceling your subscription to the New York Times because they front-paged an article written by mentally disordered weirdo, wouldn't let anyone comment on it and you can spot three factual errors in it and that gives you dyspepsia on the beach. (2)
Others have compared it to boycotting a store for its policies, refusing to buy its products and refusing to frequent its premises. From this angle the canceling of an idea or a person or an organization is similar to a commercial boycott: You refuse to buy it and enlist others to join your boycott.
That gentle definition doesn't fit most of the online cancellations I have observed in real time. They are more like first boycotting a store, then standing outside its windows equipped not only with protest signs and megaphones but also with rotten eggs and perhaps even projectiles for breaking the windows, and when the store finally closes (because the protests never end), making certain-sure that it can never ever open for business again, not even in a busy commercial area where competing stores sell products which directly counteract the messages of the store which is considered harmful. (3)
It is possible to cancel an idea or a person, the above rough definition states, but in practice the way to cancel an idea is to cancel everyone who tries to express it. Thus, in the rest of this post cancellation refers to people getting cancelled though of course the real goal is to get ideas cancelled by turning them into something so costly to utter that nobody will.
Cancelling people for political speech has a long history. It has been practiced by governments (4), by political parties from both sides of the aisle, and by powerful business interests. Although the current cycle is one where the cancel culture (5) has support on the left or far left (6), it was fairly recently thriving on the right or the far right and is likely to do so again in the future.
Thus, the explanation for the existence of a cancel culture cannot be derived from the political leanings of those who are currently pushing it or even from the seismic changes that the Internet has created by providing almost everyone with instant anonymous access to individuals someone, somewhere, might like to cancel.
But the Internet, and especially the rise of social media do affect the special flavor of today's cancel culture:
1. Anonymity means that joining in the cancelling of someone comes now with minimal personal consequences. It's an almost no-risk romp for those who like to express their anger and to feel their power by joining in a faceless mob of avenging angels. And it is far, far easier to cancel someone when one can stay a long distance away from watching the real-world effects of that cancellation on, say, the cancelled person's family.
2. Even numerically very small ideological groups can create viable online coalitions powerful enough to cancel a person for wrong-speak because the costs of coalition building are minimized, and, perhaps for the first time in history, disadvantaged groups can get together online and so join in the historical trend of wielding the shining sword of those who cancel (7).
3. The Internet makes cancelling a person so easy. It provides instant access to much juicy information, ranging from the person's family and employer to the person's professional affiliations, religious ties and even any recreational group he or she might belong to.
Many of those can be almost instantly contacted by email to increase the chances that something very unpleasant or at least inconvenient will happen to the wrong-speaker, and this can be done at the same time by several avenging angels!
This saturation tactic is probably the most vicious aspect of mob-led social media cancellations (a death by thousand paper cuts) because it is executing a sentence given by no judge or jury and because the person so sentenced might, in fact, be innocent of any wrong-doing (8). But even if wrong-speak can be "proven", turning this process on can magnify any intended punishment out of all fair proportions.
All these reasons explain why a cancel culture is particularly likely to thrive in the cyber era. That is a poignant and bittersweet thought about the Internet once thought to herald in the era of truly open and free democratic debates, accessible to all and not just the most privileged few.
***
Act III, the last part of this post, will focus on some additional characteristics of the current round of the cancel culture and on the responses of those who disagreed with the Harpers Letter. I hope it won't take quite as long to write as this one did...
Roy Den Hollander gunned down Judge Esther Salas' son in New Jersey on Sunday and badly wounded her husband.
The gunman dressed as a FedEx delivery man before opening fire at their North Brunswick home, police said.
Den Hollander wrote on his website that the jurist was "a lazy and incompetent Latina judge appointed by Obama".
A package addressed to Judge Salas was found inside his car, sources said.
In April Dr Elizabeth Hannon, deputy editor of the British Journal for the Philosophy of Science, noticed that the number of article submissions she was receiving from women had dropped dramatically. Not so from men.“Negligible number of submissions to the journal from women in the last month,” she posted on Twitter. “Never seen anything like it.” The response was an outpouring of recognition from frustrated female academics, saying they were barely coping with childcare and work during the coronavirus lockdown.
The State Department Inspector General who was fired by President Donald Trump late Friday was investigating his administration's use of emergency powers to sell weapons to Saudi Arabia despite congressional opposition, according to a senior Democratic lawmaker.
Inspector General Steve Linick is the latest federal watchdog removed by Trump and the latest impeachment player who may have faced some form of presidential retaliation. Pompeo recommended his dismissal and supported the president's decision, a senior State Department official told ABC News Friday.
The watchdog office was also looking into whether Pompeo used staff to run personal errands, according to a congressional aide.
On 20 January, KK Shailaja phoned one of her medically trained deputies. She had read online about a dangerous new virus spreading in China. “Will it come to us?” she asked. “Definitely, Madam,” he replied. And so the health minister of the Indian state of Kerala began her preparations.Four months later, Kerala has reported only 524 cases of Covid-19, four deaths and – according to Shailaja – no community transmission. The state has a population of about 35 million and a GDP per capita of only £2,200. By contrast, the UK (double the population, GDP per capita of £33,100) has reported more than 40,000 deaths, while the US (10 times the population, GDP per capita of £51,000) has reported more than 82,000 deaths; both countries have rampant community transmission.
Joe Lockhart asks why so few editorial boards of newspapers are calling for Trump to resign. He contrasts that silence to what happened in the Watergate era: Nixon's resignation was demanded by most major newspapers.
Why the current silence? The central reason seems to be this:
Put in simpler terms, Trump won't resign, whatever the demands for it might be, and Republicans won't demand his resignation, because politics has grown increasingly tribal.I put this question to more than a dozen experts, media columnists, editorial writers, academics and White House reporters. What emerged was not one simple explanation, as journalism professor Jay Rosen of New York University explained it, but a number of factors that have discouraged editorial pages around the country from taking this bold step.Central to these, according to John Avlon, a senior political analyst at CNN and the former editor in chief of the Daily Beast, is that "the reality of the hardened partisanship is beyond reason. We've become really unmoored from our best civic traditions." And one of our best civic traditions used to be holding political leaders to account -- demanding, in extreme situations, that they resign.
Eons ago, in 2017, president Trump still had his own Rasputin standing behind the throne and whispering in his ear: Stephen Bannon.
Bannon was Trump's chief strategist and the architect of the president's ideological strategies. Bannon may have disappeared from the Trump administration and also largely from the public view, but one of his most important goals has not: The deconstruction of the administrative state.
What did Bannon mean by that term? The answer:
So did Bannon get his way in this respect?The process, he explained, began with Trump's first presidential hires."If you look at these Cabinet appointees, they were selected for a reason and that is the deconstruction, the way the progressive left runs, is if they can't get it passed, they're just gonna put in some sort of regulation in -- in an agency," Bannon said. "That's all gonna be deconstructed and I think that that's why this regulatory thing is so important."
1. Those who vociferously protest against the stay-at-home-orders are a small minority. They are not representative of any large group of Americans. The media should clearly state this when they cover the protests, and we should all take care that we are not viewing that group as representative of, say, all Republicans in the US.
I get that covering the protests is great click-bait, but to pretend that we are seeing a giant wave of citizens protesting the orders distorts facts. The media has the responsibility not to distort facts. Neither should the media allow itself to be used as a PR machine for the groups raging and ranting at various state houses.
2. In fact, most Americans (and most citizens of almost all countries) have been almost exemplary in their willingness to obey the various mitigation efforts governments have introduced against the Covid-19. To see this has been heart-warming and has made me slightly more optimistic about the future of humankind.
It is easy not to see the good news when so many news are frightening. But good news also exist.* The willingness of ordinary people to work together in the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic is good news.
3. I once read, in a book about birds, that crows take care of their elderly and sick. I have no idea if the story was true, but reading it made me think that taking care of those community members who are of no obvious immediate use value might be one marker of what we call civilization.
Contrast those crows to the opinions of one Northern California city official:
A Northern California city official has been ousted after he suggested on social media that sick, old and homeless people should be left to meet their “natural course in nature” during the coronavirus pandemic.
City council members in Antioch, a city of about 110,000 people 35 miles east of Oakland, voted unanimously Friday night to remove Ken Turnage II from his post as chairman of the city’s planning commission.
NBC Bay Area reports there was a swift uproar after Turnage characterized people with weak immune systems as a drain on society.
He wrote on Facebook: “the World has been introduced to a new phrase Herd Immunity which is a good one. In my opinion we need to adapt a Herd Mentality. A herd gathers it ranks, it allows the sick, the old, the injured to meet its natural course in nature.”
As for homeless people, he added that the virus would “fix what is a significant burden on our society and resources that can be used.”
Being an essential worker is exactly the reverse of how Mr. Turnage depicts the victims of the coronavirus pandemic. These are the people we really need right now, and they are dying at higher rates.On the first, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority in NYC is a useful and disturbing example. As the New York Times reported last week, bus and subway workers have been hit hard by the coronavirus: 41 dead and more than 6,000 either diagnosed with Covid-19 or self-quarantining because they have symptoms that suggest an infection, as of April 8.Who works for the MTA? Black people and Latinos. They account for more than 60 percent of the agency’s workforce in New York City, according to estimates from 2016.Black people in particular are overrepresented in the MTA; they are 46 percent of the city’s transportation workers versus 24 percent of its overall population. (White people, on the other hand, make up 30 percent of local MTA employees but 43 percent of NYC residents.)This is, again, true across cities and sectors. As Devan Hawkins wrote in the Guardian, black Americans are more likely than white Americans to be employed in the essential services that have been exempted from state stay-at-home orders, and they are more likely to work in health care and in hospitals. In America as in other countries, health care workers make up a disproportionate share of Covid-19 cases.
1. Things you notice while self-isolating: The Decline Of The Humble Garlic.
What happened to garlic? Once upon a time a head of garlic had several plump cloves, easily detached from the head, and very easily peeled. The skin came off with just a little bit of rubbing.
Now, unless I shop very carefully*, I get heads of garlic where someone has glued the skin on with superglue. Attempts to peel the cloves leave sticky garlic skin over all surfaces, including me and the nearby floor. And what looks like one medium-sized plump clove turns out to be a group of five or six thin sliver cloves, each wearing its own garlic winter coat skin. Peeling those micro-cloves requires a magnifying class and takes hours.
This makes me grumpy.
2. I got even grumpier when scrubbing the floor. A particular stubborn dried marmalade stain low on a nearby wall made me start scrubbing the woodwork around the door. It is old and battered, that woodwork, and so my scrubbing allowed a splinter to slide under the nail of my right middle finger. The "giving the finger" finger.
The pain was pretty exuberant, so I swore as exuberantly while looking for the smallest tweezers in the house. When I found them I took a deep breath and then yanked the splinter out. Luckily it came out in one piece. Less luckily, everything went dark for a second.
After disinfecting (a lot of disinfecting), I felt relief. Then the lessons I learned:
- Wear those housework gloves when scrubbing floors, even when they are uncomfortable.
- There is a good reason why torturers use this particular trick.
3. Mask-making. I have now made many face masks. The first ones I made out of vacuum cleaner bags, using a pattern which follows the shape of the face. For ties I used various ribbons, piping and elastic thread I had hoarded in the past.
Those work pretty well, but they are rough against the skin, so the next generation of masks has two layers of cotton material (pillowcases) sandwiching several very thin layers of slightly different filmy material from the insides of vacuum cleaner bags. They are quite comfortable, but I have no idea how effective they are.
I have also made a few cloth masks without any fillers.
While doing all that I mused on the fact that an extremely rich country now has several areas where people are required to wear masks outside (a good requirement), but where getting those masks is left completely to the individuals. Indeed, one article recommended home-sewing as the answer to this supply-side problem.
Most people probably don't know how to sew and even fewer have sewing machines. There are methods allowing the making of no-sew masks, of course, and a bandana works in a pinch.
But still. There's something very Trumpian about the way a very public health problem is now partly addressed by home-spun and private solutions. This is because Trump does not seem to see much of a role for the federal government in combating covid-19. Earlier he implied** that states would be on their own in acquiring masks, gowns, and so on for health care workers. This has resulted in something like a Wild West market where individual states are bidding against each other.
I believe the reason is that Trump doesn't understand which tasks even conservatives see as the role of the federal government.
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* Whole Paycheck has some expensive ones which are like the old-time garlic, so not all garlic has suddenly mutated.
** From here:
Trump initially indicated states should try to buy supplies themselves, but they found themselves competing with each other and the federal government as they scoured the globe for supplies. The president then said he would distribute some supplies, but a failure to start the process earlier and put a single agency in charge exacerbated manufacturing and distribution problems, according to local, state and federal officials.
The New York Times analyzed Trump's comments about the current pandemic from March 9 to mid-April. The results will not surprise you at all if you have read my earlier post about Trump's narcissism:
The New York Times analyzed every word Mr. Trump spoke at his White House briefings and other presidential remarks on the virus — more than 260,000 words — from March 9, when the outbreak began leading to widespread disruptions in daily life, through mid-April. The transcripts show striking patterns and repetitions in the messages he has conveyed, revealing a display of presidential hubris and self-pity unlike anything historians say they have seen before.Bolds are mine.
By far the most recurring utterances from Mr. Trump in the briefings are self-congratulations, roughly 600 of them, which are often predicated on exaggerations and falsehoods. He does credit others (more than 360 times) for their work, but he also blames others (more than 110 times) for inadequacies in the state and federal response.
Mr. Trump’s attempts to display empathy or appeal to national unity (about 160 instances) amount to only a quarter of the number of times he complimented himself or a top member of his team.
The latest terrible mass slaughter in Nova Scotia, Canada made me think about the demographic characteristics of mass killers. Most violent crime, in general, is committed by young or youngish men*, and this seems to have been true for mass killings in the past, too.
But the Nova Scotia butcher was fifty-one. The Las Vegas killer, in 2017, was sixty-four.
Mass shootings are statistically fairly rare events. That makes it hard to see if the two examples I give here are just outliers or if something might actually be changing in the age distribution of mass killers.
Still, this looks to me like a question worth exploring with proper research.** If there is a change in the age distribution of mass killers, what might be driving it?
Different weaponry? Social change now appearing to threaten some in the older age groups? Different ideologies becoming dominant (Fox News type), some perhaps disseminated by hate online sites and now reaching older age groups than in the past? Different medicines and supplements older men might be routinely taking now but not in the past?
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* Based on published statistics.
** Or it could all be my imagination. That is always a possibility.
He may have done that to toss some raw meat to his base, but his main reason has to do with narcissism (see this post for more information):
Narcissists play games. All debates are games, and a narcissist must win all such games. When it becomes clear that a narcissist might not actually win a particular debate, he or she will first try to turn the tables in that debate*, but if this cannot be done, the next solution is to start new games, games which the narcissists know they will win. And those new games must be made so attractive to others that they forget to play the game the narcissist was losing.
Trump cannot win the conversation about how competent he has been in leading the country during this pandemic, and so he doesn't want that game played anymore.
To lure the media, and the rest of us, away from the game he wishes to be buried, he offers us alternative games, truly outrageous ones, and because he is very good at being a narcissist, the games he creates are like shiny baubles for magpies: Journalists will flock to report on them, and this makes it less likely that Trump will have to lose the debate about his incompetence.
Those recent alternative games he has set up include his claim that masks in hospitals are rare because health care workers are stealing them, his de-funding of the World Health Organization, and now his decision to temporarily stop all immigration to the US**.
Whatever other reasons he may have had for starting those particular games, their major function is to shift the play away from the one game he does not wish anyone to play. And that is the question how well or poorly he is leading the country during a pandemic.
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* My description of the narcissistic games here is kept simpler than how such games actually work. When I write "turning the tables" I mean the trick of taking whatever someone is being accused of and simply reversing that argument or finding comparable arguments that can be used against the original accuser. In a sense those, too, are alternative games.
And of course many people who are not narcissists play some of those games, too. The difference is that the narcissist always plays these games, always, and never admits to any kind of defeat.
** This particular alternative game is so very clearly intended for only that purpose. Immigration is not exactly booming during this pandemic, and Trump cannot currently defend his immigration move as an attempt to protect Americans against the virus coming from abroad, given that the virus is already here and raging.
A. I see the law of the hammer ("I suppose it is tempting, if the only tool you have is a hammer, to treat everything as if it were a nail.") in action in the way the current pandemic is treated in various political contexts (1).
Those who have always been activists of a specific type still try to do that activism (a hammerer looking for nails to hammer) even when the current problems don't fit into that framework. Creepy-crawlies floating in the air can't easily be hammered down, but if all you have is a hammer, well, you are going to try.
This is easy to relate to. We have all been yanked out from what we used to regard as "the way things are," into a new and somewhat frightening reality. Reflex actions and old learned reactions will happen under those circumstances, even if they don't make that much sense. We all have our favorite tools for understanding the world and for trying to influence it. We also all have our favorite causes, and it can be tough to see that others currently pay no attention to them or what we say about them. We then hammer even more.
Do not confuse what Our Supreme Leader is doing with just the law of the hammer. Or at least do not think that he might, with time, learn to appreciate the seriousness of the situation. He will not, because it's not just that all he has is a hammer: He Is The Hammer.
That seemed like a good sentence at first but of course it's pure crap, and an example of my own hammering tendencies (2).
Trump is not a hammer but an extreme narcissist. Because of that, he runs the pandemic in ways which protects his ego from all real and imaginary attacks (see this post for more). He doesn't care about any other aspect of the pandemic.
As part of that protection strategy, he starts several simultaneous games with the media and with various international organizations, all intended to take any blame away from him, and many intended to be so outrageous that the journalists will flock to play some alternative game to the one currently threatening Trump's ego (that he is incompetent). His most recent alternative game is to cut payments to the World Health Organization (WHO).
The proper response to Trump's games has always been not to play them but to stick to the important questions about how he is dealing with the pandemic in this country. And yes, that proper response is a hard one to stick to, given that this particular narcissist just might be the most powerful man in this world.
B. Speaking of powerful men, an NYT briefing from ten days ago asked how the new global crop of populist right-wing dictators is coping with the pandemic (3).
That is a good question. In theory, at least a benevolent dictator (should there ever be such a creature) should have all the powers needed to enforce quarantine orders, to allocate health care supplies properly to those areas needing them most and to create a testing plan which quickly gets the epidemic under control.
In practice a "benevolent dictator" might be an oxymoronic term (4). The new populist strongmen sound to me a lot like our own wannabe dictator, where many motives can best be traced back to narcissism. One recent example comes from Brazil where the strongman dictator Jair Bolsonaro fired his health minister because the latter was far more popular than Bolsonaro himself.
C. Returning to that law of the hammer, it is pretty easy to see that the Trump administration, and the Republicans in the Senate, are still focusing on their real main task which is to build more and more pipelines to move the maximum amount of wealth into the back-pockets of the Rich Boyz. Remember all those tax cuts?
Something similar is happening with the coronavirus relief package:
More than 80 percent of the benefits of a tax change tucked into the coronavirus relief package Congress passed last month will go to those who earn more than $1 million annually, according to a report by a nonpartisan congressional body expected to be released Tuesday.I don't get the Republican insistence on all this. Any country with extremely skewed income and wealth distributions will be an unpleasant and dangerous place to live in, even for those who have money. Why can't the Republicans be content with the current (already far too skewed) distributions?
The provision, inserted into the legislation by Senate Republicans, temporarily suspends a limitation on how much owners of businesses formed as “pass-through” entities can deduct against their nonbusiness income, such as capital gains, to reduce their tax liability. The limitation was created as part of the 2017 Republican tax law to offset other tax cuts to firms in that legislation.
Suspending the limitation will cost taxpayers about $90 billion in 2020 alone, part of a set of tax changes that will add close to $170 billion to the national deficit over the next 10 years, according to the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT), the nonpartisan congressional body.
In responding to the coronavirus pandemic, the world’s autocrats are turning to their tried-and-tested tool kits, employing a mixture of propaganda, repression and ostentatious shows of strength to exude an aura of total control over an inherently chaotic situation.
For Egypt’s president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, that meant deploying chemical warfare troops, clad in protective suits and armed with disinfectant, to the streets of Cairo, in a theatrical display of military muscle projected via social media.
Russia’s leader, Vladimir V. Putin, donned the plastic suit himself, in canary yellow, for a visit to a Moscow hospital for coronavirus patients. Then he dispatched to Italy 15 military planes filled with medical supplies and emblazoned with the slogan “From Russia with Love.”
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, a prodigious jailer of journalists, locked up a few reporters who criticized his early efforts to counter the virus, then sent a voice message to the phone of every citizen over 50, stressing that he had everything under control.
And in Turkmenistan, one of the world’s most repressive countries, where not a single infection has been officially declared, the president for life, Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, promoted his book on medicinal plants as a possible solution to the pandemic.
1. The daily numbers about people dying from Covid-19 and about new cases found through testing are useful information, but when they are employed for international comparisons absolute numbers (counts) are not that informative.
That's because countries have quite different population sizes and because there are very few places where we have even an inkling of the TOTAL numbers of individuals who have had the virus, including those who had mild or asymptomatic cases. Also, the level and type of testing which is done varies wildly.
I am not saying that we shouldn't also report the counts because they are crucial for making sure that the health care systems are prepared. But relative counts are also needed. For the most obvious example, the case casualty rate (mortality rate) depends on the total numbers of people who have been or are infected by the virus. We don't know what those totals might be, except perhaps for countries like Iceland.
2. Trying to get information on the etiology of Covid-19 is extremely difficult for everyone, even for the experts, because we are talking about a brand new virus.
There is no substitute for proper studies and doing those studies requires data which is not yet available.
Until we get those studies my advice for us lay people is to take everything we read (about miracle cures or about abandoning all hope and so on) with a big pinch of salt (not real salt!) and to err on the side of caution in how we live our lives.
3. I watched the Queen's Speech about this pandemic, even though I am not British, and it made me tear up a bit. Mostly because she demonstrated moral leadership* only a day or two after Our Supreme Leader demonstrated its exact opposite in that face mask debacle:
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump announced new federal guidelines Friday recommending that Americans wear face coverings when in public to help fight the spread of the new coronavirus. The president immediately said he had no intention of following that advice himself, saying, “I'm choosing not to do it."