The Current Plight of Haitians: Interview with a Mason in the Dominican Republic 8:29 AM (last hour)

Members of a Haitian family return from the Dominican Republic carrying the few possessions they have. Credit: IOM/Antoine Lemonnier

By Jan Lundius
SANTO DOMINGO, Dominican Republic, Apr 8 2025 (IPS)

On March 18, the first plane with deportees from the US landed in Cap-Haïtien. Of the 46 passengers, 25 were convicted felons. Taking effect on April 24 the US Department of Homeland Security will revoke the temporary legal status of more than 210,000 Haitians. They had by the Biden administration been granted a safe haven, but all these Haitians are now expected to be deported back to a country immersed in a humanitarian crisis.

Escaping poverty and violence, Haitians have also crossed the border into neighboring Dominican Republic, where they are constantly running the risk of being captured and transported back across the border. An activity that has given rise to a multifaceted and difficult-to-investigate corruption, including politicians, lawyers and the police. In 2024, The Dominican Republic deported more than 270,000 Haitians. In the last three months of this year alone, over 90, 000 “foreigners with irregular status” have been deported under a new operation aiming to remove 10,000 undocumented Haitians per week. This from a country where more than 75 percent of the estimated 800,000 Haitians are working full-time, particularly in agriculture and construction.

In the past month alone, violence in Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince displaced over 60,000 people. Only since the beginning of March, attacks by armed gangs have displaced more than 24,000 people. Desperate people are seeking refuge in 48 displacement sites, others have turned to host families. Despite ongoing efforts, the scale of need far exceeds available resources, this while the Trump administration has ended the USAID’s support to Haiti.

Efforts to curb gang violence have so far been inadequate. A UN supported contingent of around 800 Kenyan police, working alongside Haiti’s National Police, is leading a mission against the gangs, who are supported by drug- and arms traffickers. So far, one Kenyan officer has been killed and two others have been seriously injured.

Violence has escalated since October last year, when gangsters attacked the town of Pont-Sondé, killing 115 people. In November, gang attacks forced more than 20,000 people to leave their homes in the Capital. Between December 6 and 11, at least 200 innocent people were killed by gangsters in Wharf Jérémie, one of the worst slums in Port-au-Prince. In the same month, a community self-defence group lynched 10 gang members in l’Artibonite, the response was not long in coming and approximately 100 men, women and children were wantonly murdered. On December 17, a gang attacked the Hôpital Bernard Mevs in Port-au-Prince, setting it on fire and on Christmas Eve, gangs attacked the Hôpital général, the Capital’s largest hospital, killing several patients, at least two journalists and a police officer. Since then, the killings and general abuse have not ceased. People are getting increasingly desperate. On March 20, when protesters demanding protection tried to reach the Prime Minister’s office, the police dispersed the crowd by firing tear gas. At least 85 percent of Port-au-Prince is currently controlled by armed, criminal gangs.

No airlines fly to Port-au-Prince anymore. US aviation authorities have indefinitely banned all flights . If you want to get out from the country the only open airport is in Cap-Haïtien and you have to fly by helicopter. The cost is USD 2,500 and you are only allowed to bring 10 kilos of luggage. By early 2025, the number of people forced to leave their homes as a result of gang violence had reached over a million.

All this on top of earthquakes, hurricanes, centuries of political oppression and catastrophic environmental degradation. Born as the world’s first republic ruled by former slaves, Haiti has for more than two centuries suffered from the racist contempt of the outside world and an overpopulation originally caused by the 800,000 slaves imported by the French to their colony of Saint-Domingue (which later became Haiti). A country which tropical soils could not even then feed them all. On top of the misery, Haiti was until 1947 forced to pay reparations for taking possession of the “property” that their French oppressors had usurped.

To place a human face on the current situation we interviewed a skilled Haitian worker living in the Dominican Republic. For obvious reasons he wanted to remain unidentified.

How old are you and for how many years have you been living in the Dominican Republic?

I am 43 years old and have been working here for 28 years.

How did you first come here and what did you work with then?

I bought a false passport and a visa, something that made my entry legal and began to work collecting coffee for 50 cents a day, later on I could earn the equivalent of one US dollar a day, by weeding fields and collecting tomatoes.

Why did you leave Haiti and do you still have a family there?

I come from a village outside of Thomassique, not far from the Dominican border. We are eight siblings, my five brothers still live there, as well as my two sisters. The soil does not yield as much as before, being constantly degraded by draught. My father opposed he Duvalier regime and the Tonton Macoutes [secret police/militia] wanted to kill him. He was in hiding for six years until he died when I was eleven. We were starving. When I was fifteen, I left for the Dominican Republic. Every other year I try to visit Haiti. I have two sons living there, 12 and 13 years old. They live with a brother of mine and go to school there. I also have a 14 years old girl , who for five years has been living with us here in the Dominican Republic. She lacks papers and I had to take her out of the public school. So far, I cannot afford a private one.

You are now working with masonry. What is your education?

I went to school up until the sixth grade. I had to quit to help my mother and siblings. In the Dominican Republic my earnings were hardly enough to sustain myself. However, a friend helped me to find a job where I learned to do masonry and produce tiles. I am now able to do any kind of skilled masonry.

How much do you earn?

I am no longer with the masonry workshop, earning better by collaborating with an engineer involved with the construction of private villas. It is not a steady work. I am paid per hour and if I work from sunrise to sunset, I can generally earn the equivalent of 15 US dollars. Covering a middle-sized kitchen with tiles would earn me around 30 dollars. However, I seldom find work for more than fifteen days a month. I have to send money for my children in Haiti and support my wife and daughter her in the Dominican Republic.

Is your wife working as well?

No, she cannot even leave the apartment.

Why not?

She does not have any papers and I cannot afford getting any, neither for her, nor for our daughter. They risk to be caught in the street and deported to Haiti. Paperless Haitians are rounded up and brought to a compound, when enough are assembled they are locked up in special, barred busses and brought to the border, where they are let off. Some are not even born in Haiti; they have to find their way as best as they can. The trip to the frontier means several hours without food or water, and no possibility to visit the toilet. Mothers caught in this manner have to leave their children behind, to care for themselves until someone brings them to the authorities. If you are caught, the police generally ask for the equivalent of 5 dollars to let you go, not all are carrying so much money.

Would you prefer to live in Haiti?

Of course, there you feel free. You are among friends and equals. Dominicans assume they are better than Haitians. They look down upon us and depict us as criminals. To consider all Haitians as enemies to Dominican wellbeing has for centuries been part of Dominican politics. I understand them … no one wants strangers living in their house. I have no problem with the Dominicans I work together with, they respect my skills. However, everywhere else I feel questioned and despised.

Do you have a work permit?

I have to renew it every year and to do so I have to pay a lawyer working with the Dirección General de Migración. Before you could do it on your own. The lawyer arranges all the papers for you, and computerizes them. It is big business; the papers do not exist in reality. It costs me 25 dollars every year. Without work permit you live in fear all the time.

What do you want most of all?

To find work in any country except here. In Haiti, I cannot support myself, but with my skills it is possible anywhere else. If I could afford it, I would travel to Mexico and cross the border into the US. I might also find work in Latin America.

After our interview, which was carried out in another town, the mason took the bus back to Santo Domingo. The driver noticed his work tools and assumed he carried money. When the other passengers had left the bus in Santo Domingo, the mason was detained by the driver and his assistant, who demanded more money. If the mason did not pay, they threatened to denounce him to the authorities. When he said he had a work permit the driver menaced him with a machete. However, a bystander noticed what was happening and convinced the assailants to let him go.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Growing Legacy: Raising Ambition in Agriculture Scientific Research as CGIAR Unveil New Portfolio 6:29 AM (3 hours ago)

As the Global South reaches concerning food and nutrition security levels, experts say science will turn around the trajectory of extreme poverty and hunger. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

By Joyce Chimbi
NAIROBI, Apr 8 2025 (IPS)

Global food and nutrition insecurity levels are hurtling towards a catastrophe. To counter these problems, leading world experts say science is the ‘silver bullet.’ That science will build climate-resilient agri-food systems, improve livelihoods across the value chain, and ensure more affordable, nutritious food while safeguarding the environment.

“We want a positive impact on the global food security. Science is about bringing us insights into issues so that we can then have an impact. Food security cannot happen without science, without research, without data, without analysis, without information, without intelligence, and without thought,” said CGIAR Executive Managing Director Ismahane Elouafi.

“CGIAR scientists will present to you our new research portfolio for 2025-2030, which we believe will really tackle the challenges that we are talking about in the Science Week. We have an incredible team of scientists who really envisioned what the organization can achieve in the coming years. We grow our robust research in high-risk systems and context-specific settings to achieve effective solutions.”

“The most important aspect is the ongoing work on the ground and in the industries, in the field and laboratories, and it is why we need our scientists and partners to come together. Our science research program can provide solutions but those solutions have to be made by people. For this reason, we need to meet in person and virtually and engage so that we live up to set goals.”

During the second day’s plenary session, there was a special focus on the CGIAR’s new research portfolio and on exploring strategies for effectively scaling innovations to ensure they reach farmers and consumers worldwide. With a focus on addressing the major challenges to food, land, and water systems sustainability, participants were given insights into how CGIAR’s work aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals and contributes to global efforts for agricultural transformation.

Dr. Sandra Milach, CGIAR’s Chief Scientist, told participants where the organization’s scientific revolution all started. Nearly 50 years ago, CGIAR turned to science for solutions by building centers to address segregation in countries still dealing with the effects of centuries of colonization. The organization built farms and lifted millions from hunger in Africa, Asia, and many parts of Latin America.

“However, the world today is different, very different. Yes, we still have global food and water emergencies that we need to address, but we are also facing climate change, biodiversity loss, and new conflicts. Very difficult indeed. Once again, we need and must build capabilities to address these new problems. We have done it before. I’m very confident we will do it again. In 2021, we refocused our strategy to rebuild and do so around five important impact areas, including nutrition, livelihoods, gender, climate, and biodiversity,” Milach said.

Over the years, CGIAR’s mandate has been shaped by an evolving global crisis and they have developed their capabilities to match contemporary problems. She talked about CGIAR’s cutting-edge research and initiatives designed to tackle these pressing issues and discuss the pathways for translating scientific discoveries into tangible benefits for communities on the ground.

By highlighting the intersections between CGIAR’s research and broader international development agenda, she said the organization aims to underscore the importance of collaborative efforts in driving progress towards a sustainable and food-secure future. Emphasizing that the new research portfolio 2025-2030 is big and ambitious, as it for instance, seeks to reduce the number of people affected by extreme hunger by 26 percent and that is 1.82 million people, by 2030. Saying that this is nearly the size of her native country, Brazil.

“Our scientists know how to produce more crops and even more new crops. Our green fields are large and well-established, but we will need to look critically at all the staple crops, bio-fortified crops, and forgotten crops to understand what needs to be done tomorrow. Our scientists also have the knowledge and innovations to empower livestock keepers and fishermen and make sustainable animal and animal food production a core offering. But we will make sure not to design our research programs solely to produce more food. Equally important, better diets and nutrition are central to our work,” Milach.

“By 2030, it is our mission to lift 31 million people from extreme poverty and it will be the foundation of what we do. We hope also to create 92 million jobs, a number equal to the workforce of any nation, just to give you a perspective. Indeed, by improving farms and helping farmers, we will also benefit the environment so that jobs are created around the environment. And we will do it while increasing the average income by 87 percent. This is our pledge.”

Another priority goal will be to prevent 500 million tons of emissions by 2030. Milach said the innovations are just as important as the knowledge and that CGIAR will also build on indigenous and traditional food practices and that knowledge created through these systems will travel across borders. The issue of gender and social inclusion will feature prominently in the new portfolio and specifically towards increasing women and youth employment in the agri-food system and sector.

“Importantly, technologies can be adapted and developed beyond the communities they were designed for. In a more fragile world that we live in today, we have a duty to the smallholder farmers. But not only that, to the communities that they serve. We will need our science to adapt to new food frontiers and security contexts. Especially food producers in urban areas, in islands, and in conflict zones that exist across the world,” she reiterated.

“Our reform was designed to tackle the biodiversity crisis. One million species are at risk of extinction. By 2030, we want to deliver an innovation that will protect 20 billion hectares of land for expansion. This represents 25 percent of the size of the Amazon forest.  But we cannot focus on one parcel of land, one waterway, one specific crop, or one biome. We need to use less land and we need to build a bigger land and this can be achieved through environmentally sound solutions.”

Panel discussions in plenary buttressed her remarks by emphasizing the critical role of science in promoting climate-smart agriculture and in proper diversification, soil health, better conservation and conservation practices, and in addressing water scarcity. Overall, CGIAR is designed to prioritize the organization’s impact within their global mission. While also setting the tone for the global science community so that science can serve people and communities.
IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Behind the Feeding of the 5,000 (or Should That Be 10,000) at CGIAR Science Week 4:27 AM (5 hours ago)

Ismahane Elouafi Executive Managing Director, CGIAR and Nairobi Chef Kiran Jethwa in discussion during the Good Food for All lunch at CGIAR Science Week 2025. Credit: CGIAR

By Cecilia Russell
NAIROBI, Apr 8 2025 (IPS)

Good Food for All is the motto of The Chef’s Manifesto, a project that brings together more than 1,500 chefs from around the world to explore how to ensure the food they prepare is planet-friendly and sustainable.

It was Nairobi Chef Kiran Jethwa who prepared a menu filled with locally sourced food for the thousands of  delegates on the first day at the GCIAR Science Week in Nairobi.

The menu included High Iron Red Kidney Bean and Biofortified Sweet Potato,  Swahili Curry with Toasted Ginger and Dhania, Tilapia Pilau with Omena (Native Small Fish), Slow Braised Kenyan Kinyeji Chicken Stew with Cassava, Arrow Root with Seared Terere (Amaranth and Millet and Jaegerry Halwa with Raisins and Roasted Cashews.

Delegates snaked towards the tent under beautiful trees on this most exotic United Nations campus situated near Kienyeji forest in Nairobi.

Food is central to the debates here, where delegates debate how science can make a difference in the world where hunger is rampant (according to the United Nations, 3.1 billion people cannot afford a healthy diet) and climate change and conflict, among other issues, complicate food production.

As Prof. Lindiwe Majele Sibanda, who chaired the Council of the Wise session in the opening plenary, told the audience, the crisis we are in calls for bold action.

“We’re in a crisis because of climate change. We’re in a crisis because of environmental and health degradation… We are in crisis because of gender inequality, no jobs for our youth, and nutrition insecurity,” she said, and during this week “we are looking for solutions” to this in science.

Summing up the argument of former Prime Minister Dr. Ibrahim Assane Mayaki as AU Special Envoy for Food Systems, Sibanda coined a quote for social media.

“We are in a crisis and Dr. Mayaki says… We need more leaders who are scientists, because scientists solve problems.”

To applause, he agreed.

Former President of Mauritius, Dr. Ameenah Firdaus Gurib-Fakim, asked where the empowerment of women in agriculture was. “Food is produced mostly by women.”

And, she asked, how is it possible to get youth into agriculture?

Agriculture needs to break the stereotype of agriculture as a woman with a hoe breaking hard earth.

“We need the youth to realize that agriculture is a 1 trillion dollar business,” Gurib-Fakim said, emphasizing that it was time to change the narrative.

Sibanda agreed. “Can we have an education that is fit for purpose? Can we have women empowerment and youth as drivers of the food systems, research, and innovation?”

Former Prime Minister of the Republic of Guinea and expert in agricultural finance, Mohamed Beavogui, said it was time for “bold, practical, and inclusive solutions” for ensuring that what was produced on the land ended up on the plate.

Looking for a quotable quote, Sibanda summed it up as “LLP from the lab to the land to the plate, that’s a systems approach,” elaborating that CGIAR aims to reform the food, land, and water systems for food security globally.

“Please Tweet that,” she asked the audience, referring to X by its pre-Elon Musk name.

Finally, Sibanda asked former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan why we are still hungry, poor, and not preserving our biodiversity.

He didn’t believe that it was necessary to elect presidents that are scientists; he commented that in Africa leaders probably spend more time thinking about how to “hold onto leadership than thinking about their people.”

But getting the right mix into the cabinet was crucial—it was more about finding the right people and putting them in roles where they can make a difference.

Sibanda sums it up: “The president has to surround himself with the right people… to be game changers in the country.

Sibanda noted the session produced lots of “tweetable tweets.”

Summing up the panel’s view on policymaking, she said it was as messy and inexact—like “sausage making”—but needed to be “contextualized, evidence-based,” and those affected need to be consulted.

The “billboard” message, however, was that youth are the future and science should be at the forefront of agriculture.

IPS UN Bureau Report,

 

Maintaining Blue Economic Resilience in the Face of an Evolving Tariffs Landscape 7 Apr 11:54 PM (9 hours ago)

Life below water | United Nations University. Credit: Pichit Phromkade/ILO

By Alfredo Giron
GENEVA, Apr 8 2025 (IPS)

The ever-evolving tariff agenda has become a leading topic of public discourse and left stock exchanges spinning. Economists almost unanimously agree that the taxes levied on imported goods raise prices for consumers and threaten economic growth. But what seems to rattle forecasters most is the fog of uncertainty they have cast over markets.

Like most markets today, ocean-based economies typically operate in a system designed to maximize profit. However, history demonstrates that the approach often comes with significant social and environmental costs (like pollution and resource depletion) that are not included in prices. In response, governments and communities have begun to develop economies that look at the ocean as an opportunity for growth that balances long-term sustainability.

Ocean-based economies are particularly susceptible to trade disputes. Grocery shoppers, for instance, may be inclined to buy beef or chicken if the price of seafood climbs. In 2018, for example, retaliatory tariffs that China put on US seafood led to double digit price increases.

It is not difficult to imagine how a resulting drop in demand for fish products could then rapidly trickle through a supply chain, which may include wholesalers, truck drivers, processors, and harvesters, when adversaries swap tariffs. Also, fishing gear relies heavily on steel and aluminum, products also facing steep tariffs, which could compound costs passed on to consumers further.

Another sector that is particularly susceptible to tariffs is the decarbonization of shipping and port services. Low-carbon infrastructure is highly dependent on complicated global supply chains for materials and technologies that could face higher levies in a trade war.

Increased costs and any economic slowdown that follows might cause firms to pull back from such projects at a critical moment in the international effort to reduce emissions. The global shipping giant Maersk recently warned that tariffs will “clearly” be inflationary in the short term.

Whether that leads firms to pull back from efforts to decarbonize shipping with technologies like alternative fuels and AI-driven “smart ports” that streamline logistics is harder to say.

Fear over a possible recession could also spook travelers with their eyes on tropical destinations. Many nations have invested heavily in eco-tourism to help protect and restore coral reefs and coastal environments.

A precipitous drop in visitors following the COVID-19 pandemic, for example, left many island nations with large portions of their GDP relying on tourism in a difficult position, with some conservation goals in doubt.

Renewable ocean energy such as offshore wind could also be impacted by tariffs. An analysis by the financial firm Wood MacKenzie found that proposed US tariffs could increase wind turbine costs by 7 percent and overall project costs by 5 percent. It found that rising prices could trigger a 3-9 percent cut in new wind capacity installed annually through 2028 and slow deployment by 20 to 30 percent if the tariffs remain. Offshore wind in US waters has effectively been sidelined for the foreseeable future.

As with any large-scale economic transition, market disruptions can introduce risks with considerable financial implications for the blue economy, and it is important to plan effectively to remain resilient. For example, building sustainable fisheries may require regulatory changes, technological innovations, and shifting consumer preferences; tariffs could complicate each of these areas as businesses and governments weigh costs and benefits.

More specifically, higher costs could incentivize behavior that already plagues global fisheries like unfair labor practices and attempts to skirt environmental rules.

Furthermore, in light of the economic uncertainty tariffs have created, businesses and governments may be less inclined to make investments in expensive gear and scientific research that sustainability programs require. If volatility is bad for conventional capital expenditures, in other words, it is probably especially damaging to new ideas.

However, every challenge offers the possibility of finding a new way forward. As with the pandemic and the global financial crisis before it, the tariff disruptions present an opportunity to invest in new approaches that may not have had the attention of key stakeholders before.

Offshore wind in particular has enormous opportunities to cut emissions and spur economic growth on land. Whether in government or business, leaders today must assess financial risks in light of increasingly destructive extreme weather events, sea level rise, and a level of resource depletion that can no longer be ignored.

New tariffs or not, these climate impacts aren’t going away. An adequate response will require long-term planning with a vision towards building resilient systems and coupled with a serious commitment to balancing economic growth with ocean regeneration.

Alfredo Giron is Head, Ocean Action Agenda and Friends of Ocean Action, World Economic Forum.

IPS UN Bureau

 

A Long and Winding Path to Revitalize Passenger Trains in Mexico 7 Apr 11:22 AM (22 hours ago)

A station under construction for the railway line between western Mexico City and Toluca, the capital of the neighboring state of Mexico. This passenger and freight route has been under construction since 2014, and its cost has tripled due to technical issues and opposition from local communities. Image: SNT-Movilidad Urbana

By Emilio Godoy
MEXICO, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

Retired blacksmith and mechanic José Hernández nostalgically recalls the passenger trains that once passed through his hometown of Huamantla in the state of Tlaxcala, southeastern Mexico.

“By the age of 15 or 16, I was already using the train. It was the railway that came from Veracruz, passed near Huamantla, and reached” the east of Mexico City, the 99-year-old local chronicler told IPS from his town of over 98,000 inhabitants, located some 160 kilometers from the capital.

The route belonged to the then-state-owned Ferrocarril Mexicano, inaugurated in the mid-19th century and operational until 1976, when passenger trains began to be abandoned in favor of private bus companies.

Freight trains still run through Huamantla, carrying timber, oil, and various goods in containers."They are not profitable, but they are social projects. It is important to evaluate how they will be implemented to combine commercial and economic elements and thus reduce government subsidies." —Jaime Paredes

Hernández, who served as Huamantla’s mayor from 1989 to 1991, used to travel to the nearby town of Apizaco, also in Tlaxcala, aboard coal-burning locomotives—a 30-minute journey where a ticket to Mexico City cost about three dollars in today’s money.

“We miss the passenger service; hopefully, it will return soon. Everything in Huamantla is abandoned now. The train used to stop here to load water from a deep well,” he lamented.

To Hernández’s delight, the government of Claudia Sheinbaum, in office since October, is promoting new railway projects to diversify passenger transport. However, the plan faces significant challenges, including profitability and environmental impact.

The first initiative is a 55-kilometer line between Mexico City and Pachuca in Hidalgo, built on an old railbed. Construction began on March 22 without environmental approval—a legal requirement—though the Environment Ministry granted the permit six days later.

The new passenger and freight line has an initial cost of US$2.44 billion, is expected to open in the first half of 2027, and will cross six municipalities in Hidalgo and four in the neighboring state of Mexico.

The second project is a 227-kilometer line between Mexico City and Querétaro, with a preliminary cost of about US$7 billion, passing through 22 municipalities in four states. Construction is set to begin this April.

Both projects are part of the National Railway Development Plan and the National Industrialization and Shared Prosperity Strategy (known as Plan México), launched in January by Sheinbaum as her flagship development program, which also includes investments in electricity, electric vehicle assembly, and microprocessors.

Sheinbaum’s administration is replicating the fast-track approach used for the Maya Train (TM), with the full weight of the state apparatus behind it.

Rail is less polluting than air, sea, or road transport, but the steel and cement required for its infrastructure limit its eco-friendly image.

The Mexican government is also preparing tenders for rail lines from Saltillo to Nuevo Laredo (crossing the Northern states of Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas) and Querétaro to Irapuato (in the states of Querétaro and Guanajuato).

These new lines, expected to start operating between 2027 and 2028, will join seven existing passenger routes, including suburban and tourist railways—three of which are privately concessioned.

From January to October 2024, these railways carried 42.22 million passengers, an 11% increase from the same period in 2023. Most (90%) were suburban passengers, highlighting the need for intercity rail and the challenges of expansion.

Environmental Paradoxes 

Jaime Paredes, an academic at the National Autonomous University of Mexico’s School of Engineering, stresses the need for clear definitions of efficiency, CO₂ emission reductions —the gas generated by human activities responsible for global warming—, and travel times.

“It’s a good tool, but we must evaluate noise pollution, impacts on aquifers, and economic factors. They are not profitable, but they are social projects. It is important to evaluate how they will be implemented to combine commercial and economic elements and thus reduce government subsidies,” he told IPS.

Environmental impact assessments (EIAs) submitted to the Environment Ministry suggest the Pachuca line will have fewer impacts than Querétaro’s.

The Pachuca line will cross seven areas of very low and seven of low ecosystem quality, due to agriculture and human communities, causing 11 negative and seven beneficial environmental impacts. Soil and water contamination are the main concerns, with six protected species identified in the area.

The Querétaro line, however, crosses 12 very low and 30 low ecosystem-quality zones, affecting seven protected natural areas, including Tula National Park in Hidalgo, wetlands in Querétaro, and Xochimilco, which provides ecological services like clean water and air to Mexico City.

Construction will clear vegetation across 90 hectares (five of forest, 0.62 of low jungle). The EIA found 63 threatened plant species and 136 fauna species. Risks include water source disruption, flooding in three sections, land subsidence, air pollution, and ecological fragmentation—though it also predicts socioeconomic benefits like job creation and a stronger economy.

In total, the Querétaro line will have 28 environmental impacts (21 negative, seven positive). The government assumes socioeconomic benefits will outweigh environmental costs, proposing prevention, mitigation, and compensation measures.

While the Pachuca trains will be electric, Querétaro’s will use both electricity and diesel. A key drawback is that Mexico’s electricity largely comes from fossil fuels (especially gas), limiting emissions reductions.

The Pachuca line’s CO₂ emissions are unestimated, while Querétaro’s will emit 37 tons monthly during construction.

Precedents

Past passenger rail projects offer lessons.

The intercity train connecting western Mexico City with Toluca (known as El Insurgente), under construction since 2014 and partially operational since 2023, saw its budget balloon from US$2.86 billion to US$6.85 billion.

The Maya Train (TM), more tourist-oriented than for local passengers, has not displaced bus travel, according to 2024 reports.

The TM spans 1,500 km across five southern and southeastern states, with five of seven planned sections operational since 2023. The project has faced delays, cost overruns, and environmental violations.

Other indicators raise concerns. CO2 emissions from Mexico’s rail system (freight and passenger) are rising. Diesel consumption nearly tripled between 2021 and late 2023. Emissions from the Suburban Train (linking northern Mexico City and the state of Mexico) have increased since 2021, despite lower electricity use.

Rail expert Paredes recommends updating the 1995 Regulatory Law of Railway Service to “ensure concessionaires and assignees share responsibilities.”

“Users should be part of comprehensive reviews. Clear parameters and indicators are needed to assess environmental impact reduction. Transparency in results would provide certainty. Communities and municipalities must be integrated into plans,” he urged.

Meanwhile, chronicler Hernández hopes for a major push to revive trains across Mexico’s landscapes.

“A strong campaign is needed to attract people. Trains could be as popular as they once were,” he said.

Taliban View Even Women’s Cosmetics as a Threat to Their Rule 7 Apr 9:12 AM (yesterday, 9:12 am)

Beauty parlours have vanished from the streets of Afghan cities, erased under Taliban rule. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

Women in Afghanistan have borne the brunt of the Taliban’s extremist Islamist rule. Four years on, there appears to be no end in sight.

In a country where women are denied the right to education, work and the freedom to travel without the company of a mahram – a male family member – the Taliban now seek to erase what little remains of women’s autonomy, even going so far as to confiscate their cosmetics.

In February this year, the Taliban launched house raids to seize women’s beauty products, yet another act that marks a new low in their campaign to oppress and exclude women from pubilc and private life.

Afghan women are no longer safe even within the four walls of their own homes; frequently subjected to humiliation, threats of violence and no longer even have a choice over their personal belongings

As Farida, (pseudonym) a woman from Sar-e-Pul city in northern Afghanistan recounts the shocking incident, “I was sitting at home that day when suddenly there was a loud banging on the door. My heart started pounding. My husband opened the door with trembling hands, and before he could utter a word, armed men in white clothes burst into the house”.

“They searched every room and turned everything upside down in our home”, she said, “as if a burglar had entered the house, but this time, the burglars were the very people who consider themselves rulers of this land”.

They hurled out everything, said Farida, while one of them picked up a lipstick and with contempt, said, “This is disgraceful! Muslim women don’t need this”, and carried the cosmetics away in a bag.

Afghan women are no longer safe even within the four walls of their own homes; frequently subjected to humiliation, threats of violence and no longer even have a choice over their personal belongings.

With tears in her eyes Farida said, “I felt like they had crushed my entire being”, in reference to the raid, “it was no longer just an attack on collecting cosmetics; it was an attack on our dignity. It felt as if all our rights and privileges as women had been stripped away,” she says.

Buying and selling cosmetics in Sar-e-Pul city has not been an issue, but following a recent tip off, members of the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice happened to have seized all cosmetics while conducting a search for women’s hair salons and beauty parlours who were operating secretly in the area.

Tamana, (pseudonym) a 22-year-old woman in Sar e Pol city who was prevented from furthering her education, chose hairdressing to support herself, but she is now in despair.

In a telephone conversation, she said, “all I wanted was to complete my studies and become a doctor but unfortunately, with the arrival of the Taliban, we were denied the opportunity to continue further.

“For a year”, Tamana said, “I ran a hair salon at home, where women would come secretly – mostly at night – and receive beauty and makeup services”.

 

 

But according to her, that ended when spies tipped off the Taliban and they attacked their house, destroyed all the furniture, seized all the makeup, and made them promise not to do that again.

“Now, I have no other source of income”, she complained, and asked, “Why are they so afraid of women? Why can’t they show us mercy even in our own homes?”

Tamana complained bitterly that the beauty services she provided to women was her only source of income, which supported her elderly father who works “tirelessly from morning until night, repairing people’s shoes, but earns very little to make ends meet”.

To Farida, seizing women’s cosmetics “makes no sense”. As she points out, “buying and selling cosmetics is freely available in shops around the city, and women have no difficulty buying them”.

Besides that, she say, “women like me, who are currently housewives with no jobs, cannot afford a wide range of cosmetics. Therefore, “we have only basic cosmetics such as makeup, eye shadow, mascara, eyeliner, lipstick, nail polish, and perfume, which we mostly use for weddings and birthday parties”.

Given that situation, the Taliban’s raids on people’s homes and seizing cosmetics is seen as more than just a repressive act. Rather, it reflects the Taliban’s fear of women’s independent identity and their femininity. For the Taliban, the capacity of women to make decisions for themselves, even concerning the most private matters, is a threat to their rule.

They want to turn the women of Afghanistan into obedient, colourless, and voiceless beings. To the Taliban, wearing makeup, even in its simplest form, is a sign of a women’s desire for beauty, identity, and independence, and that has to be crushed.

The consequence of the house raids is that women become anxious and fearful; they even decide to destroy their own cosmetics. In doing so, they are not just discarding belongings—they are casting away a part of themselves and their sense of identity.

“The fierce faces of the Taliban are still in my mind and continuously haunt me”, recalls Tamana”, after the raid was conducted. “After they left, I felt worthless. It was as if nothing was left of me. They not only took our cosmetics, they took our hope and self-esteem with them.”

But despite all the repressions, Afghan women have not given up. They persist in their silent resistance, subtly demonstrating admirable courage.

In spite of the restrictions, they have not abandoned their dreams, hoping that one day, the darkness will lift and light will shine on Afghan women once again.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

Healthy Beginnings, Hopeful Futures 7 Apr 9:09 AM (yesterday, 9:09 am)

By Yasmine Sherif
NEW YORK, Apr 7 2025 (IPS-Partners)

Education is an essential investment in providing health to those left furthest behind.

On World Health Day, we must connect the dots between education and health in humanitarian crisis settings. A child attending school gets vaccinations and healthcare, a nutritious meal and mental health and psychosocial services. By funding education, we optimize our investments to cover multiple sectors in one investment, such as health.

“The link between education, health and well-being is clear. Education develops the skills, values and attitudes that enable learners to lead healthy and fulfilled lives, make informed decisions and engage in positive relationships with everyone around them,” according to UNESCO.

At the same time, poor health, hunger, war-trauma and diseases negatively impact academic performance, especially in humanitarian emergencies.

According to UNICEF, humanitarian investments in education and health have substantial returns. Every $1 invested in children and their well-being yields a ten-fold societal return.

Education Cannot Wait (ECW) and our strategic partners deliver speedy and lifesaving quality education on the frontlines of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises. In places like Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti and Cameroon, this means healthy school meals, greater nutrition, safe classrooms and access to public health initiatives that are available at the beginning of school.

Right now, we are making impossible decisions on humanitarian funding that put millions of lives at risk. The most effective way of utilizing financial means is to ensure multiple impact or a holistic and cross-sectoral approach.

Education is one of the single best investments we can make, while also ensuring healthy lives for all. Not the least for the 234 million children and adolescents who today endure unspeakable crises with no other hope than to attend school, survive and thrive. This is what it is all about: the humanitarian imperative is about saving their lives.

 

Excerpt:

World Health Day Statement by Education Cannot Wait Director Yasmine Sherif

Welcoming Science: CGIAR Week-Long Focus on Innovation for Food, Climate-Secure Future 7 Apr 8:01 AM (yesterday, 8:01 am)

CGIAR and the Kenyan Agricultural and Livestock Research Organization (KALRO) have convened the very first CGIAR Science Week, April 7 to 12, 2025. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

By Joyce Chimbi
NAIROBI, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

The world’s leading scientists and decision-makers in agriculture, climate, and health are meeting in Nairobi this week to promote innovation and partnerships towards a food, nutrition, and climate-secure future. As current agrifood systems buckle under multiple challenges, nearly one in 11 people globally and one in five people in Africa go hungry every day.

Recognizing the urgency of these challenges, CGIAR and the Kenyan Agricultural and Livestock Research Organization (KALRO) have convened the very first CGIAR Science Week, April 7 to 12, 2025, at the UN Complex. In this regard, a high-level opening plenary session today underscored an unwavering commitment to international agricultural research.

During the opening plenary, CGIAR’s Executive Managing Director Ismahane Elouafi told the audience that the food crisis was depressing. “We are faced with one of the food shortage crises in history… We have seen emerging conflicts in so many parts of the world. We have also seen climate change that is accelerating and showing us how bad it is in different parts of the world.

“And this is bad for all of us, but imagine how bad it is for a woman that doesn’t have food for her kids.”

However, this is where science comes to the fore.

“This week marks a pivotal moment in our shared journey towards transforming global agriculture and food systems. CGIAR is unwavering in our commitment to advancing groundbreaking agricultural science that is sustainable, inclusive, and rooted in the belief that research, innovation, and collaboration are the keys to overcoming the complex challenges facing agri-food systems today,” Elouafi said.

There was a lot of emphasis on the role of youth and ensuring they were part of the solution, especially in the global South.

Elouafi welcomed students to the Science Week and said she hoped they would remain committed to the South.

“Go to agriculture, because we all need food, and you could be the solution in the future,” she said.

“And in all honesty, I used to introduce myself as a girl from the South that made it to the North… and it was a success… I want, really,  the kids in the south to go out saying, ‘I’m a girl from the South and I am staying in the South.'”

While officially opening the science conference, Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi said it was a privilege to represent the President, who is “himself a scientist. In fact, the first scientist president that Kenya has had. The theme of this year’s assembly is timely, considering the unprecedented environmental and food security challenges that the world faces today.”

“The only way forward is through scientific research and on the stakeholders of our country. I am proud to be a member of the National Coalition of Colonists, providing employment for over 60 percent of our population, significantly contributing to national armament and ensuring food security for millions of people.”

“The sector faces immense challenges, from climate change and extreme weather conditions, land deprivation, soil infertility, food insecurity and malnutrition, post-harvest losses, unlimited access to technology, financing, and investments, and of course, confidence. This Science Week is a defining moment. It gives us an opportunity to engage in how to mitigate these challenges.”

As major and connected global challenges threaten the sustainability of food, land, and water systems, global and regional leaders in research, policy, and development say tackling these disruptions requires continued strengthening of collaborative efforts and strategic partnerships towards agri-food systems that are sustainable, resilient, inclusive, and can nourish both people and planet.

A Council of the Wise, a panel session graced by distinguished personalities in Africa, spoke about issues such as politics, policy, and science, and the place of women and youth in transforming agrifood systems. Ameenah Gurib–Fakim, Former President of Mauritius, asked, “Where are the women in Africa in agriculture? What I’m going to say next is not a political statement; it is a fact. Women feed Africa. Where is the technology? Where is the empowerment for our African girls and women?”

“How do we empower them with the technologies? How do we empower them with the capacity to go and open their bank account? How do we empower them to access land? These are issues we have to tackle. Because after all, African food is produced mostly by smallholder farmers, and many of them are women. So, looking at the challenges across Africa, we really have to look at it through the gender lens.”

Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, Former Prime Minister of Nigeria and African Union Special Envoy for Food Systems, spoke about population growth and the challenges facing agrifood systems. “In the 60s, the total population of the African continent was about 300 million and we had relative subsistence. Today, we are 1.5 billion people. And in between, between the 60s and today, a lot of things have happened. Progresses and improvements have been made. We have seen food and agriculture strategically implemented, continentally, regionally, and nationally.”

“We have seen our networks of research, science, and innovation really get a significant momentum. But the demographics have beaten the games that we are playing. So, the conclusion that needs to be drawn from that picture is that we need to accelerate. And… we need to do more with less. We know the challenges in terms of productivity, production, land, immigration, and climate. We have the technical answers. The question now is how do we add political solutions to these technical solutions, the scientific solutions, and the innovative solutions? We need political solutions.”

Towards this end, experts and participants from around the globe will explore transformative solutions to the complex challenges facing agri-food systems, such as water scarcity, biodiversity loss, and extreme weather events. Recognizing their intersection while also reflecting on past successes and lessons learned in embracing solutions centered on inclusivity, partnership, and innovation.

There is an emphasis on sustained global investment in innovation, technology, and science as the most effective tools to deliver food, nutrition, and climate security for all, and more so, the most vulnerable people and communities who are increasingly burdened by heightened food insecurity, poverty, and social inequality as unprecedented multiple, complex challenges converge.

Mohamed Beavogui, former Prime Minister, the Republic of Guinea, said that responses to the food and nutrition challenges have not been adequate. Lands are degrading fast. “To date, we are still using about 20 kilograms of fertilizer per hectare while others are using more than 137 kilograms per hectare. Yet, climate change is giving us chaotic rains, droughts, and floods.”

“We do not have, on the ground at least, the right resources. And then, our farmers lack finance, access to technology, etc. And moreover, those who are living between agriculture and the ground, women, are excluded. But there is good news, and a lot of good news; there is a lot of innovation everywhere you look and we need to move it from the lab to the land to the plate.”

Importantly, agricultural research and science is a means to economic stability and gender equality. Given the enormity of the task at hand, the CGIAR is positioning the week as a platform to enhance regional and global partnerships with an aim to scale scientific innovations and solutions but also to reinforce local community-bred practices that work.

Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan, Former President of Nigeria who holds a doctorate degree in hydrobiology, spoke of the critical need to have leaders who are aware of the usefulness of science. Stressing that science is a mindset that focuses on problem-solving and that this mindset is a key issue towards solving the challenges facing humanity today.

“In Africa, our leaders spend more time thinking about how to get to leadership and hold on to leadership than thinking about the people. We have to spend more time thinking about the people. Even when the President is not a scientist, they can put the right people, experts and competent people, in the right places. It is about the President having the political will and commitment to move the country forward and adopt science and technology to solve agricultural problems.”

Overall, the Science Week is an opportunity to use the best science, innovation, research, and existing knowledge within communities to draw the most effective roadmap into a future where agrifood systems and interconnected issues of climate change, environment, biodiversity, and water can harmoniously converge to produce the best possible outcomes for both planet and humanity.
IPS UN Bureau Report,

 

In Central America’s Dry Corridor, Farmers Find Ways to Harvest Water and Food – VIDEO 7 Apr 5:27 AM (yesterday, 5:27 am)

Cristian Castillo benefits from a rainwater harvesting system installed on his nearly one-hectare plot in Paraje Galán, a rural village of 400 families in the western Salvadoran district of Candelaria de la Frontera. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

By Edgardo Ayala
CANDELARIA DE LA FRONTERA, El Salvador, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

In Central America’s Dry Corridor, climatic conditions hinder water and food production because rainfall in this ecoregion—from May to December—is less predictable than in the rest of the isthmus.

Cristian Castillo knows this firsthand. The young Salvadoran farmer had just planted tomatoes on his small plot of land, less than a hectare in size, when the hand-dug well he planned to use for irrigation ran dry.

“I had a well, but due to (earth) tremors, the (aquifer’s) veins closed up, and the water stopped flowing,” Castillo told IPS, standing beside his home and field in the rural village of Paraje Galán, a community of 400 families in the Candelaria de la Frontera district, western El Salvador.

 



 

But with or without tremors—common in this country of six million people—it’s not unusual for wells to dry up in the Dry Corridor due to prolonged droughts during the rainy season. Without water, there’s no way to grow crops or raise cattle and pigs, which are vital for the survival of local communities.

Stretching 1,600 kilometers, the Dry Corridor covers 35% of Central America and is home to more than 10.5 million people.

According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), over 73% of the rural population in this belt lives in poverty, and 7.1 million people suffer from severe food insecurity.

Central America, a region of seven countries with a combined population of 50 million, faces deep social inequalities.

Aware of the harsh climatic conditions in the Dry Corridor, around 25 municipalities in the neighboring countries of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador formed the Trinational Border Association of the Lempa River in 2007. This regional, non-governmental initiative promotes sustainable development projects in their territories.

One such project encourages rainwater harvesting techniques, helping families build collection tanks to irrigate their crops.

Castillo is among those who benefited from the construction of one such tank, with a storage capacity of 10 cubic meters, equivalent to 50 large drums.

“I’ll pump all the collected rainwater to the upper part of the property where the tomato crop is,” explained Castillo, 36.

In the neighboring village of Cristalina, still within the jurisdiction of Candelaria de la Frontera, the Trinational Association was one of the organizations that helped install a potable water distribution tank that now serves about a hundred families who previously lacked this service.

“We had hand-dug wells here, but they weren’t enough anymore. When the (water) project came, we were overjoyed because we would finally have water available all the time,” Cristalina resident Gladis Chamuca, 57, told IPS.

Digital Democracy at a Crossroads. Key Takeaways from RigthsCon2025 7 Apr 4:18 AM (yesterday, 4:18 am)

By Carolina Vega and Chibuzor Nwabueze
RIO DE JANEIRO / ABUJA, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

In an increasingly digital world, democratic practices are evolving to encompass new forms of participation. Digital democracy – the use of technology to enhance civic action, movement building and access to information – has become a crucial force in shaping local and global political landscapes.

As digital spaces become central to public discourse, civil society’s work is crucial to ensure these spaces remain accessible, open, participatory and resistant to disinformation, censorship and repression.

RightsCon 2025, recently held in Taiwan, offered an opportunity to discuss the current challenges and opportunities at the intersection of tech and human rights.

The digital democracy dilemma

Internet access has expanded among excluded communities, providing new opportunities for civic action and organising for historically excluded communities. But at the same time there’s increasing use of digital surveillance, censorship and algorithmic manipulation by governments and companies with the aim of suppressing dissent and controlling public discourse.

In 2023, the last year for which full data is available, internet penetration in low-income countries grew by three per cent, but this came alongside a record decline in global electoral integrity, with state-backed disinformation campaigns influencing elections in at least 30 countries. This means there’s an urgent need for policies that both enhance digital inclusion and safeguard civic freedoms from technological threats, particularly given that AI use is growing.

Civil society is calling for a global regulatory framework that ensures tech is beneficial for all, while facing the challenge of tech-facilitated attacks on civic freedoms. At the same time, civil society resourcing is shrinking and stigmatising narratives from authoritarian governments spread by tech are on the rise. Meanwhile – as CIVICUS’s 2025 State of Civil Society Report outlines – big-tech corporations focus on protecting their political and profit agendas. This makes spaces for convening and deliberation like RightsCon more vital than ever.

What next?

A global framework is crucial to ensure technology serves the public good and contributes to a more inclusive and equitable society. As digital technologies become deeply embedded in every aspect of governance and civic space, as well as cultural and belief systems, the risks of fragmented digital policies and regulations grow, leading to inconsistent mechanisms for protection and unequal access across regions. This fragmentation can significantly increase exposure to disinformation, exploitation and surveillance, particularly for traditionally excluded and vulnerable groups.

The Global Digital Compact (GDC) agreed at last year’s UN Summit of the Future represents the kind of comprehensive, multilateral framework civil society should advocate for. By fostering global cooperation, the GDC aims to establish shared principles for digital governance that prioritise human rights, democratic values and inclusive access to digital tools.

Through international bodies and cross-sector collaborations – such as those held at RightsCon – civil society can contribute towards shaping this framework, ensuring that civil society, governments and the private sector, including tech companies, work together to create a cohesive and accountable approach to digital governance.

Challenges and opportunities

Follow-up to the GDC must address a wide range of challenges, including digital access and inclusion. The existing digital ecosystem hinders equitable participation in democratic processes and efforts to realise human rights. There’s a need to close digital divides through targeted investments in education, digital skills and infrastructure, ensuring that everyone, regardless of geography or socioeconomic status, can access the tools needed to participate fully in shaping society. Civil society’s work here must be locally led, putting communities’ needs at the heart of advocacy and focusing on curating spaces for consultation and participation.

Another critical challenge is the intersection of government digitalisation and civic engagement. E-governance and online public services offer the potential for greater transparency, efficiency and participation, but they also introduce risks for privacy and security, reinforcing longstanding structural injustices such as racism and gender discrimination. Guidelines are needed to ensure transparency and accountability in digital governance while protecting the right to privacy. Polices need to enable the use of digital tools to fight and prevent corruption and ensure governments are held accountable.

And then there are the complex issues of AI governance. As AI technologies rapidly evolve, there come growing threats of algorithmic biases, a lack of transparency and the manipulation of public discourse and information ecosystems. Robust ethical standards for AI are needed that prioritise human rights and democratic values.

From the manipulation of public opinion, efforts to distort electoral outcomes and the generation of false narratives that can incite violence and social unrest, disinformation has many negative impacts on democracy. Evidence has repeatedly shown that in countries where politicians intensively use disinformation tactics, people’s trust in public institutions and democratic processes wanes and civic participation, a critical ingredient for democratic progress, falls. Conversations during RightsCon 2025 emphasised that civil society must engage with governments and regional and global institutions to help develop policies that regulate how information is managed in the digital age while working to improve media literacy and fact-checking initiatives.

The added value of civil society lies in its ability to act as a convener, broker and watchdog, and an advocate with and for traditionally excluded voices. Civil society is key in pushing for the inclusion of strong data protection laws, digital rights protections and regulations that curb the unchecked power of tech companies, where many grey areas for accountability remain underexplored. Working alongside governments and the private sector, civil society can lead the way in developing policies that safeguard democratic values, enhance accountability and ensure technology remains a tool for positive societal change. Through collective advocacy and partnership, civil society can drive a vision of a truly inclusive and ethical digital future.

Digital democracy and the challenges it faces aren’t national issues but global ones. Disinformation, cyberattacks and the erosion of digital rights transcend borders. More grounded international solidarity and cooperation is needed to create and enforce standards that protect online civic space and rights. The GDC must be supported and made more robust as a global framework for digital governance that upholds human rights, promotes transparency and ensures accountability.

Initiatives like the Digital Democracy Initiative should be championed in recognition of the unique role society plays in monitoring, analysing and challenging threats to digital democracy. It’s never been more crucial to enable and amplify civil society action in the face of global democratic decline amid an increasingly digital age.

Carolina Vega is Innovation Quality Management Lead at CIVICUS, the global civil society alliance. Chibuzor Nwabueze is Programme and Network Coordinator for CIVICUS’s Digital Democracy Initiative.

 

We Can Solve Global Challenges Through Global Public Investment 7 Apr 3:47 AM (yesterday, 3:47 am)

Credit: UN News / SMG International

By Harpinder Collacott
NEW YORK, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

Watching on our screens the devastation wrought by the earthquake which struck South-East Asia last week has brought a stark reminder of our shared vulnerability in this interconnected world. It has exposed again, too, the weak beams of traditional funding models that struggle to ensure a timely response to disasters.

Too often, when the emergency call goes out, the full extent of the response needed is held back with the message “please wait while we fundraise.”

Other global threats stalk us all too. Amongst the most worrying is that, while resources for disease prevention shrink, there’s a mounting worldwide risk that infectious diseases could resurge, threatening public health for everyone, everywhere.

At a time when the old systems have fallen down, it’s easy to succumb to the belief that we can only endure crises, not prevent or surmount them. But this fatalism is misplaced. Vulnerability is universal—but so too can be hope.

Yes, profound changes in the last few years have brought great pain, and no, we can’t undo the past. But we still have the collective power to shape a better future. We can overcome the challenges we face and seize new opportunities, but only if we approach them in new ways—and work together.

The solution to addressing shared global challenges is global public investment, a framework that will ensure support is readily available during emergencies and enable swift action against threats like infectious diseases. No country can face these alone, and no few countries should monopolize the response.

Working together is the way we can tackle shared risks and maximize shared rewards. This is not charity—it is collective self-interest. Everyone plays their part in meeting a common need from which everyone gains, and everyone steers those efforts together. In other words: all benefit, all contribute, and all decide.

But can we afford these investments?

Collectively, of course we can. In fact, we can’t afford not to make them. These investments will ultimately save money. And, it should be noted, countries are already putting resources into disaster preparedness and research for medicines, but too often, they operate in isolation or even competition with one another. With global challenges, cooperation is always a more effective strategy.

An old and patronising assumption in the Global North has been that low- and middle-income countries will never be able to contribute anything towards shared global challenges. In contrast, however, low- and middle-income countries themselves, during the height of the COVID crisis, pointed out their readiness to be involved in shared investment in global public goods.

These nations called for collaboration in research, shared access to medicines, and mutual protection—and warned how dangerous it would be if parts of the world were left to be treated only as an afterthought. High-income countries’ response? They promised to donate leftover vaccines once their own needs were met.

The results of the Global North’s refusal to work with the Global South as equals were, predictably, disastrous: millions more died, the pandemic lasted far longer, and even high-income countries suffered much higher economic costs than they would have faced had they worked in global partnership.

The lesson is clear: we need shared investment, with shared power, to secure our shared future.

Of course, not all countries would pay the same amount. Just as within a country we all contribute through taxes to shared services from which we all benefit, international contributions would be scaled to each country’s means. From this pooling of resources, everyone wins out.

Soo too, sharing decision-making power isn’t a loss; it enhances everyone’s collective capacity to tackle problems too large for any single country to manage alone.

Global challenges are complex, and no single measure will suffice. Alongside global public investment in shared challenges and opportunities, we also need to take other urgent steps, including addressing the global debt crisis and stepping up international cooperation to prevent tax avoidance. This era of “polycrisis” can only be resolved through “poly-action.”

Countries in the Global South are at the forefront of advocating for global public investment. Colombia, for example, is championing reforms to make the international financial system more equitable and inclusive approach and has declared itself “very much aligned with the global public investment approach.”

Chile, likewise, has called on the world “to be creative and ambitious. Crucial will be a significant increase in public money, that cannot be managed as we managed it in the last century. Governance in the 21st century needs to be representative and effective. Chile supports the development of global public investment.”

This call from the South is also winning support amongst forward-thinking countries in the North. “A new system geared toward solving truly common problems must be based on equitable relationships between countries,” says Norway’s Norad agency. “Global public investment is the closest thing to a shared vision for the transformation of international development.”

Experts, international organizations, and governments have been building plans for the global public investment approach for over a decade, and support and momentum have continued to grow.

This year, global public investment is rising up in international negotiations even faster: South Africa’s leadership of the G20’s Development Working Group has named “global public goods and global public investment” as its number one priority, “aimed at the construction of a new architecture of international cooperation, based on three precepts: all contribute according to their means, all benefit according to their needs, and all decide equitably”.

As these pioneering governments are demonstrating in advancing progress for global public investment, hope is not passive, hope is an active force we create together. It needs all of us. For the global challenges we face, building a new international architecture based around global public investment is necessary, urgent, feasible, and widely supported.

As more leaders commit to this cause, global public investment will not only change lives—it will illuminate the path forward in overcoming common challenges.

Harpinder Collacott is the Executive Director of the Global Public Investment Network

IPS UN Bureau

 

How to Agree an Armistice in Ukraine: Lessons from Korea 7 Apr 3:25 AM (yesterday, 3:25 am)

Prayers for peace at the Korean border.Credit: Greenburd/shutterstock.com

By Stein Tønnesson
Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

 
The armistice agreement that ended the Korean War in 1953 has been mentioned as a possible model for how to end the fighting in Ukraine. This makes sense. The Trump administration, however, seems to opt for a quick deal like the 1973 Paris agreement on Vietnam or the Minsk agreements of 2014–15, combining “ceasefires in place” with vain prospects of subsequently reaching a genuine peace agreement.

One lesson from the negotiations that led to the Korean armistice is that patient diplomacy is needed to end a stalemated war. When talks began in July 1951, the impatient Mao Zedong estimated that two weeks would be enough to conclude. The negotiations instead took two years. The result was a long text, detailing the exact border line and establish a demilitarized zone across the peninsula under UN supervision. The stated intention was to follow up with a peace agreement. This came to nothing. The conference established for the purpose in Geneva decided instead to reach an agreement on Indochina, dividing Vietnam for the next 21 years and replacing the French with American military forces.

The biggest difference between the Korea and Ukraine wars is that the Ukrainians are fighting alone, with only external military support, while the Korean War was primarily fought by American and Chinese forces on Korean soil. Back then, the armistice agreement was concluded by the commanders of the US-dominated UN forces, the Chinese “volunteers”, and the North Korean army, against the wish of Syngman Rhee’s government in Seoul. He wanted to continue the fight for national reunification. Only after being offered a defence pact with the US did he accept the negotiated outcome, yet did not sign the agreement. South Korea has never signed the armistice that has prevented new outbreaks of war.

The key similarity between the Korean and Ukrainian wars is the prominent role of the USA as a supporter of the governments in Seoul and Kyiv. In both cases a condition for ensuring that an armistice can hold is that the US take responsibility for any agreement and joins up with others in providing security guarantees. A key reason why war has not resumed in Korea for the last 72 years is the continued US presence in the south. American troops act as a “tripwire,” ensuring that any North Korean invasion would lead to a war it would surely lose. For the same reason, the US needs to have boots on the ground in Ukraine.

Another similarity is that any attempt to conclude a genuine peace agreement is futile. A genuine peace in Korea would require that North and South agree either on national reunification or on recognizing each other as independent states, just as East and West Germany did in 1973. A peace agreement was even more unthinkable for Syngman Rhee and Kim Il Sung in 1953–54 than it is for Seoul and Pyongyang today. It is just as inconceivable that President Vladimir Putin will withdraw voluntarily from Donbas and Krym as it is for President Volodymyr Zelensky to conclude a definitive peace agreement that does not recognize Ukrainian sovereignty to its entire territory. To maintain the principle of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, it is also crucial for Europe and the UN that Russia’s violation of Ukrainian sovereignty is not internationally recognized. Therefore, just as the two Koreas, Russia and Ukraine must settle for something less than a peace treaty, namely an armistice. This may end the fighting and could save hundreds of thousands of lives but will not establish peace.

An armistice is not a simple ceasefire, where military forces are supposed to remain where they happen to be situated when the agreement is made. For a Ukrainian armistice to be respected, the Russian and Ukrainian forces must withdraw to either side of a clearly delineated demilitarized zone. This is complicated by the fact that the front lines are so long. The easiest compromise would be for Ukraine to let Russia retain control over Krym, while Russia withdraws from Donbas. Third parties should put pressure on Moscow and Kyiv to accept that neat solution. To soften the pill, Ukraine could guarantee a high degree of local autonomy for Donetsk and Luhansk. International monitoring with the use of satellite surveillance along the entire border would be needed. If one or both parties were to mobilize combat forces, launch drone attacks, or place rocket launchers on alert, warning signals should be triggered and international security guarantees enforced by robust multi-national forces.

A final similarity between Korea 1953 and Ukraine 2025 armistice is that both sides must abstain from any political interference at the other side of the agreed boundary. Russia and Ukraine must remain fully sovereign and independent states. Any rapprochement between the two Korean states continues to depend on Seoul’s ability to convince Pyongyang that it does not seek regime change in the north and on the willingness of Kim Jong Un to abstain from provocative missile tests and vocal threats. Putin apparently wants an agreement to include a provision for new elections in Ukraine, so he can interfere in Ukraine’s internal affairs and remove Zelensky from power. This is a destructive demand that should be consistently rejected by any mediating or facilitating party to talks. The Ukrainians must decide for themselves when to lift their state of emergency and hold democratic elections.

President Trump has put pressure on Ukraine to agree to a ceasefire and has conceded on Ukraine’s behalf that it cannot get back all its lost territory or obtain NATO membership. He should now concentrate his efforts on convincing both sides to engage in negotiations for a strongly guaranteed and highly monitored armistice rather than a quick and fragile ceasefire or a dodgy settlement allowing one side to interfere in the other.

Related articles:

Korea Will Soon Face a Security Dilemma Like Europe’s
First Vietnam, Then Afghanistan: Is Ukraine Next?
Is the Time Ripe for an End to the Ukraine War?

Stein Tønnesson is Senior Research Fellow (Peace and Security in Northeast Asia) at the Toda Peace Institute and Research Professor Emeritus, Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission.

IPS UN Bureau

 

CGIAR Science Week Seeks Solutions for a Food-Secure, Climate Resilient Future 6 Apr 11:28 PM (yesterday, 11:28 pm)

Sweetpotato crossing block, Uganda. Reuben Ssali, a plant breeder Associate with the International Potato Center. Credit: CGIAR

By IPS Correspondent
NAIROBI, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

CGIAR and the Kenyan Agricultural and Livestock Research Organization (KALRO) are bringing together the world’s leading scientists and decision-makers in agriculture, climate, and health for the first CGIAR Science Week. This gathering will be a key moment to advance research and innovation, inspire action, and establish critical partnerships that can secure investment in sustainable food systems for people and the planet.

IPS’ team of journalists, Busani Bafana, Joyce Chimbi, and Naureen Hossain, will bring you news and interviews throughout the week as the conference unfolds. This will include the launch of the CGIAR Research Portfolio 2025-2030 today (April 7, 2025).

IPS UN Bureau Report,

 

Challenging the Taliban’s Violations of Afghan Women’s Rights 6 Apr 9:53 PM (yesterday, 9:53 pm)

A 31-year-old woman sits by the window. She used to be an entrepreneur before the Taliban takeover. Credit: UN Women/Sayed Habib Bidell

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Apr 7 2025 (IPS)

The Taliban’s egregious violations of women’s rights in Afghanistan, especially banning women from education and even from speaking in public, are beyond the pale. Imposing economic sanctions alone, however, has not changed in any significant way the Taliban’s treatment of women.

By demonstrating that they understand the Taliban’s cultural heritage and religious beliefs, Western powers, with the support of several Arab states, will be in a better position to persuade the Taliban that respecting women’s rights is consistent with their beliefs and would be greatly beneficial to their country.

Although the Taliban were exposed to democracy, freedom, and equality for both men and women for nearly 20 years during the American presence, they reversed these reforms once they reassumed power following the American withdrawal in August 2021, even though the Afghans embraced such freedoms wholeheartedly. From the Taliban’s perspective, these reforms were contrary to their beliefs and way of life.

The Taliban’s Egregious Women’s Rights Violations

In 2021, the Taliban banned all education for girls beyond the sixth grade, which has deprived a total of 2.2 million girls and women of their right to education. UNICEF Executive Director Catherine Russell stated last month that the ban continues to harm the future of millions of Afghan girls, and that over four million girls will have been deprived of an education beyond the primary level if the ban persists for another five years. Accordingly, she said, “The consequences for these girls – and for Afghanistan – are catastrophic.”

Since 2021, Afghan women have faced unimaginable oppression. Beyond education bans, the Taliban forced women to cover themselves completely, with criminal penalties for those who refuse to comply. In December 2024, they announced their plan to shut down all NGOs employing women over so-called dress code violations.

Their voices are literally silenced through an August 2024 law that bans women from speaking outside the home. Their rights are stripped away, and their resistance met with brutality. In the shadows of war and conflict, women and girls endure unimaginable suffering, facing heightened levels of gender-based violence, including arbitrary killings, torture, and forced marriage and sexual violence, leaving deep physical and emotional scars.

The Taliban are not oblivious to these findings, as some officials have publicly argued against some bans, but they nevertheless continue to violate women’s rights under the pretext of their bans being consistent with their religious and traditional role in Afghan society.

The Taliban are predominantly from the Pashtun tribes, which are indigenous to the region and have a strong tribal structure and cultural traditions, which influenced the Taliban’s socio-political orientation.

The Historic Perspective

To better understand the Taliban’s mindset, which reflects their resilience and extremism against foreign domination, it is important to reflect briefly on Afghanistan’s history. The region now known as Afghanistan was a target for invaders as early as the sixth century BCE, facing scores of foreign invaders up through the US-led invasion in 2001, yet has shown great resilience against foreign domination, as invaders repeatedly faced fierce resistance and were ultimately forced to withdraw.

Across centuries, Afghanistan has consistently defied foreign powers, earning its reputation as the “graveyard of empires.” The Taliban’s emergence as a movement was, in large part, a response to the chaos and power vacuum left by the Soviet withdrawal in 1990. They rose to power in 1996 and were ousted by the US-led invasion in 2001.

Afghan religious extremism stems from several factors. The U.S. and its allies funded and armed mujahideen fighters during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, fostering radical ideologies. Saudi-funded schools in Pakistan taught extreme Deobandi and Wahhabi ideologies to Afghan refugees, who returned to Afghanistan to fight in the Afghan Civil War.

Following the departure of the Soviets, the Taliban imposed puritanical Islam rooted in Deobandi ideology and ethnic and political manipulation. Extremism was used to consolidate power, suppress minorities, and resist foreign influence.

Cutting aid alone is not the answer

It is necessary for global powers to hold the Taliban accountable for gender persecution and take punitive actions, including cutting off financial aid; however, thus far, imposing economic sanctions alone has not yielded the desired results.

The Taliban’s harsh treatment of women remains unabated, and to effect a real change, the West must change its strategy.

While the threat of more sanctions should continue to hover over the Taliban’s heads, to effect the necessary changes to improve women’s rights, the West should take systematic measures that align with the group’s cultural and religious teachings.

Working with influential Muslim-majority countries, including Indonesia, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, which is the leader of Sunni Islam, is key in order to challenge the Taliban’s interpretation of Sharia law while highlighting Quranic principles of equality and historical examples of female scholarship in Islam.

In Afghanistan, the restrictions on women’s rights, including education and dress codes, are based on interpretations of Islamic law and cultural practices rather than direct Quranic edicts. To demonstrate to the Taliban leaders that respecting women’s human rights complements rather than compromises their cultural and religious beliefs, the West’s Arab and Muslim partners should cite Quranic verses to make the case.

The first revelation to Prophet Muhammad begins with the command to “read,” which is seen as a universal call to acquire knowledge. Surah Al-Tawbah (9:71) emphasizes the equal responsibility of men and women in seeking knowledge and upholding moral values. Surah Al-Hadid (57:25) promotes education as a means to establish justice and equity in society.

Moreover, the Quran does not explicitly state that women should be segregated from men, nor that they must wear a hijab. Surah An-Nur (24:30-31) instructs both men and women to be modest and guard their private parts, certainly not their heads or faces, but the Taliban interprets this to support the wearing of a burqa that covers Afghan women from head to toe.

In that regard, the West should provide aid to Afghan clerics who advocate for girls’ education and women’s rights within Islamic teachings, and invoke women’s literacy in Afghanistan before the rise of the Taliban to encourage those clerics.

Additionally, targeted economic support for infrastructure projects and agricultural investments should be offered in exchange for reopening girls’ secondary schools or permitting women’s employment in the health and education sectors while emphasizing the economic cost of excluding women.

In conjunction with that, preferential trade terms for Afghan products produced by women should be provided while highlighting how educated women improve public health outcomes for all.

The West should also support community-based schools and computer and science training for women and girls, which reliable local NGOs should administer, and provide safe channels for women activists to air their grievances. Culturally, the West should invest in programs showcasing women artists, poets, and historians as custodians of Afghanistan’s cultural heritage.

In that regard, the media should be used to disseminate success stories of Muslim-majority countries, like Bangladesh and the UAE, where women’s education and employment coexist with cultural and religious values.

By combining religious dialogue, economic pragmatism, and grassroots movements to empower women, the West should pursue incremental progress, which will be more sustainable than seeking instantaneous change.

Recalling the way the Afghan people were treated by foreign powers over the centuries, the Taliban have developed an instinctive adversarial reaction to anything proposed by any foreign power.

This certainly does not justify their treatment of women, but they need to be persuaded, however, that the proposed changes can only benefit their country’s socio-economic conditions while respecting women’s rights, without compromising their cultural and religious beliefs.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University (NYU). He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

Trapped by Tradition: The Widows of Ukerewe and the Ritual They Cannot Escape 4 Apr 5:14 AM (4 days ago)

Vivian Magesa, a young widow in Ukerewe, is arranging merchandise, including vegetables and fruits, in her pavilion to get them ready to sell. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

By Kizito Makoye
UKARA, Tanzania(, Apr 4 2025 (IPS)

The night after her husband was laid to rest, 24-year-old Vivian Magesa sat in the dimly lit brick-walled house, surrounded by women from her late husband’s family. She had spent the past few days in mourning, wrapped in a white shroud, her head shaved as custom dictated. But as the hushed voices of her in-laws filled the room, Magesa realized her grief was far from over.

“It’s time,” one of the older women told her, pulling her up by the arm. Magesa’s heart pounded. She knew what came next. She had to be cleansed.

On Tanzania’s Lake Victoria’s Ukerewe Island, where the Kerewe, Jita, and Kara ethnic groups dominate, widowhood is not merely about loss—it is a transformation, a passage that demands rituals to separate the living from the dead. And for a young  woman like Magesa, whose husband perished in a grisly boat accident while fishing, it means submitting to a practice deeply ingrained into the island’s culture: widow cleansing—a sexual rite that forces women into intimacy with a relative of their deceased husband or, in some cases, a total stranger, all in the name of purification.

A ritual steeped in fear and tradition

In Ukerewe, as in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, widowhood is seen as a spiritual contamination. It is believed that if a widow does not undergo cleansing, the spirit of her deceased husband will haunt the entire bereaved family, bringing misfortune or even death. To prevent this, tradition dictates that she must sleep with a widower from her late husband’s clan and later with a man outside the village—someone who has no connection to her or the family.

“This is how it has always been done,” said Verdiana Lusomya, an elder from the Kara community. “Without cleansing, a widow is untouchable. She cannot cook for her children. She cannot interact freely with others. The curse must be lifted.”

But for many widows, the ritual is not a choice. It is a decree, enforced by family pressure, fear of ostracization, and, in some cases, outright coercion.

A widow’s dilemma

For widows like Magesa, refusal is not an easy option. “When I said no, they told me my children would lose their right to inherit land,” she told IPS. “They said if I refused, I would bring bad luck to my family.”

Another widow, 42-year-old Jenoveva Mujungu, faced a similar ultimatum. She stood her ground for two years, clinging to her Christian faith, but the pressure never ceased. “In the end, I did it,” she admitted. “Not because I believed in it, but because I was tired of being treated like an outcast.”

In some cases, women who refuse the ritual are expelled from their marital homes. Their belongings are thrown out, their children taken away, their connection to the family severed.

“It’s a form of punishment,” said Prisca Jeremiah, an activist from the Mwanza-based Upendo Women’s Rights Organization. “The message is clear: comply or suffer.”

The men who profit from tradition

In Butiriti village, Ukerewe district, the Omwesye—or village cleansers—perform the ritual for a price. They are often men with no formal jobs, sometimes alcoholics, paid a small fee or given livestock for their service. “Some of them are dirty, unkempt,” said one widow, her voice filled with disgust. “They do it for the money, not for the tradition.”

One community health worker on the island noted that some cleansers attempt to protect themselves by inserting herbs into a widow’s body before intercourse, believing it will shield them from disease. But the widows suffer the consequences, often developing infections.

The health consequences of widow cleansing

Health experts warn that widow cleansing is a gateway for HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections. With no protection used and with some cleansers involved in multiple rituals, the practice fuels a silent health crisis.

“Widows are already vulnerable,” said Furaha Sangawe, a general medical practitioner at Nansio District Hospital. “This ritual makes them even more so. It exposes them to diseases, trauma, and lifelong psychological scars.”

A community torn between change and tradition

Despite the growing awareness of the ritual’s dangers, change is slow. Many on Ukerewe still believe that skipping the cleansing ritual brings bad luck. Elders argue that the practice ensures that family land remains within the clan and prevents widows from remarrying outside their husband’s lineage.

But a rising number of women, emboldened by education and activism, are pushing back. Some are turning to the church for symbolic cleansing, seeking blessings from priests instead of submitting to sex with a cleanser. Others are simply refusing.

“I have not been cleansed, and I am still here,” said Miriam Majole, a 69-year-old widow who defied tradition. “Nothing bad has happened to me or my children.”

Organizations like Kikundi Cha Mila na Desturi Ukerewe (KIMIDEU) are working to educate communities about the harms of the practice. But the fight is uphill. Even as awareness grows, fear holds many women in its grip.

A future without widow cleansing?

For Magesa, the night of her cleansing was one of the darkest in her life. “I felt like I had died a second time,” she said. “But I did not have a choice since the pressure was so high?”

Now, she speaks in hushed tones about her hopes for her twin daughters “I want them to have a different life,” she said. “I pray that one day, this ritual will be a thing of the past.”

As Tanzania modernizes, the battle between cultural tradition and human rights intensifies. For now, on the remote island of Ukerewe, many widows remain trapped in a cycle they cannot escape—a ritual performed not for their healing, but for the comfort of those who refuse to let go of the past.

IPS UN Bureau Report,

 

‘Energy Transfer’s Lawsuit Against Greenpeace Is an Attempt to Drain Our Resources and Silence Dissent’ 3 Apr 7:33 PM (4 days ago)

By CIVICUS
Apr 4 2025 (IPS)

 

CIVICUS speaks with Daniel Simons, Senior Legal Counsel Strategic Defence for Greenpeace International, about the lawsuit brought by an oil and gas company against Greenpeace and its broader implications for civil society. Greenpeace is a global network of environmental organisations campaigning on issues such as climate change, disarmament, forests, organic farming and peace.

In March, a North Dakota jury ruled that Greenpeace in the USA and Greenpeace International should pay damages of over US$660 million to Energy Transfer, which filed lawsuits alleging that Greenpeace instigated resistance against the Dakota Access Pipeline in 2016 and 2017 and caused operational disruptions and financial losses. The protests were led by Indigenous communities, particularly the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, and focused on water protection and tribal rights. Energy Transfer claims the pipeline was properly regulated and provides economic benefits. Civil society has condemned the legal action as a SLAPP – a strategic lawsuit against public participation – designed to silence criticism. Greenpeace is appealing.

What prompted Energy Transfer to take legal action against Greenpeace?

The route of the Dakota Access Pipeline crosses underneath the Missouri River a short distance from the reservation of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. In April 2016, tribal members set up prayer encampments to express their opposition to the construction. They worried that sites of cultural importance would be damaged, and that the pipeline might contaminate the river, the Tribe’s water source.

Energy Transfer took a number of provocative actions. It sued the Tribe’s chairperson and other participants in the Indigenous resistance, and not long after, bulldozed an area less than 24 hours after the Tribe had filed a declaration in court stating there were burial grounds and resources of cultural significance in the area. These events coincided with a huge growth in attention for and attendance at the camp.

Energy Transfer alleges that the Greenpeace defendants were somehow the masterminds, coming in and secretly organising everything that happened during the Standing Rock protests, and that this included trespassing, property damage and creating public nuisance. The company also accuses the Greenpeace defendants of defamation, complaining about nine statements in particular. Additionally, Energy Transfer claims Greenpeace’s actions delayed the refinancing of the pipeline’s construction loan, causing financial harm to the company.

What was Greenpeace’s actual involvement in the protests and its relationship with Indigenous communities?

Greenpeace – including Greenpeace Inc and Greenpeace Fund, both based in the USA, and Greenpeace International, a Dutch foundation – played only a limited role in the protests. Greenpeace Inc had some connections to the Indigenous communities at Standing Rock; as I understand it, the relationship was respectful but not extensive.

Greenpeace Inc supported the protests by funding five trainers from an independent Indigenous network to provide training on non-violent direct action for two weeks, conducting supply drives for the camps, providing short-term staff mainly to help with preparing the camp for winter and donating some lock boxes that protesters could use to form a human chain, although no evidence suggests they were ever used. It also published articles and co-signed two letters to banks containing the nine statements Energy Transfer now claims are defamatory. These statements had already been widely reported by media and United Nations bodies before Greenpeace’s involvement.

According to an Indigenous activist who testified in court, Greenpeace Inc was present but followed the lead of people on the ground. Its involvement was so minimal that most tribal nations at Standing Rock wouldn’t even have been aware of it. The activist described claims that Greenpeace controlled the resistance as ‘paternalistic’ and emphasised that many Indigenous leaders had the ability to run a complex movement and engage with media themselves.

Greenpeace International’s only relevant action was signing an open letter led by the Dutch civil society organisation BankTrack, alongside 500 other organisations. Meanwhile, Greenpeace Fund had no involvement in the Standing Rock resistance, yet Energy Transfer argues that sharing resources such as office space and contact details with Greenpeace Inc makes it liable.

How is Greenpeace defending itself and what impact has the lawsuit had on its operations?

We argue that Energy Transfer has greatly exaggerated our role in the protests and is attempting to recover costs that are all unrelated to our actions. There is just no evidence of any link between the Greenpeace defendants’ activities and the damages the company claims. And there is certainly no link to any act of violence or property damage.

Greenpeace International has also taken legal action in the Netherlands, using the new European Union anti-SLAPP directive for the first time to challenge what we view as an attempt to drain our resources and silence dissent. Defending ourselves has required significant financial and personnel resources. While Greenpeace has the capacity to fight back, there are concerns that such lawsuits could deter smaller or less experienced organisations from challenging the powerful US oil and gas industry – which appears to be one of the goals of this case.

What are the next steps in the legal proceedings and how do you see this case resolving?

While the jury has reached a verdict that decided the Greenpeace defendants must pay US$666 million for defamation and the other claims, the judge still needs to enter a final judgment. There are obvious issues with jury verdict and we are in the process of challenging those. Greenpeace Inc and Greenpeace Fund have already announced they will appeal to the North Dakota Supreme Court. Meanwhile, Greenpeace International is pursuing its case against Energy Transfer in the District Court of Amsterdam, with the first procedural hearing scheduled for 2 July.

The battle is far from over. Greenpeace is determined to defeat these claims and hold Energy Transfer accountable for filing repeated SLAPP suits. This fight extends beyond Greenpeace – it concerns the protection of freedom of expression. An attack on one is an attack on all, and we hope civil society will stand with us.

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SEE ALSO
Italy: ‘Authoritarian tendencies manifest themselves in efforts to control information and stifle dissent’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Ilaria Masinara 22.Jun.2024
Europe: ‘Members states must introduce national anti-SLAPP legislation to protect public watchdogs’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Francesca Borg Constanzi 21.Mar.2024
How SLAPPs undermine democracy: a case study of the USA CIVICUS 02.Jul.2018

 

Putting People First: Why SRHR Must Be Central to Health and Development Agendas 3 Apr 7:30 PM (4 days ago)

Credit: World Health Organization (WHO)

By Richarlls Martins and Rajat Khosla
GENEVA / RIO DE JANEIRO, Apr 4 2025 (IPS)

As global leaders prepare to convene for the Commission on Population and Development (CPD) in New York, April 7-11, the world finds itself at a critical crossroads. We can either recommit to human dignity, equality, and justice—or risk unraveling decades of progress in global health.

Central to this choice is the urgent need to prioritize sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) as the bedrock of sustainable development. This is not just a health agenda—it is a human rights imperative.

Globally, over 164 million women still have an unmet need for modern contraception.¹ Every day, more than 800 women die from preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth² , and over 73 million induced abortions occur annually, of which 45% are unsafe,³ the vast majority in low- and middle-income countries.

In many countries, young people—especially girls—continue to face systemic barriers to accessing comprehensive sexuality education and adolescent-friendly health services, undermining their autonomy and well-being.

In Brazil, we have made significant strides over the past decades. The country’s Unified Health System (SUS) has played a critical role in expanding access to maternal and reproductive health services, including free family planning, prenatal care, and safe delivery services.

Brazil’s National Policy for Comprehensive Women’s Health Care and the Stork Network (Rede Cegonha), launched in 2011, have aimed to ensure a continuum of care for women before, during, and after pregnancy.⁴ These initiatives represent the kind of people-centered, rights-based approaches we need more of globally.

Yet the work is far from over.

Despite improvements in access to care, Brazil continues to face deep inequalities. Maternal mortality remains disproportionately high among Black, Indigenous, and low-income women. Unsafe abortions persist as a major public health issue, particularly in regions where access to legal services is limited or stigmatized.

Adolescents—especially in rural areas and marginalized communities—often encounter barriers to sexual and reproductive health information, including fear, judgment, and lack of confidentiality.

In 2024, the Brazilian government launched the Alyne Network, a restructuring strategy for the former Rede Cegonha, whose goal is to reduce maternal mortality by 25% in the country. In addition to expanding actions focused on maternal and child health, with an investment of R$400 million in 2024 and R$1 billion in 2025, the new program seeks to reduce maternal mortality among black women by 50% by 2027.

The initiative pays tribute to the young black woman Alyne Pimentel, who died at the age of 28, while pregnant and the victim of medical negligence. The young woman’s case led Brazil to become the first country condemned for maternal death by the Global Human Rights System worldwide.

The CPD offers a pivotal opportunity to galvanize political will and place SRHR at the center of health and development agendas—not just in Brazil, but globally. As governments assess progress on the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), it is essential that they reaffirm the full spectrum of SRHR as non-negotiable and indivisible from broader development goals.

Investing in SRHR yields powerful dividends. For every dollar spent on modern contraceptive methods, governments can save up to $3 in maternal and newborn health care costs.⁵ Women and girls who can make decisions about their bodies and reproductive lives are more likely to finish school, participate in the workforce, and contribute to economic growth.

In fact, evidence shows that fulfilling the unmet need for contraception alone could prevent 70,000 maternal deaths annually and reduce unintended pregnancies by over 70%.⁶

Moreover, SRHR is a gateway to gender equality, resilience, and social inclusion. It is also a matter of justice. For populations pushed to the margins—people of color, Indigenous peoples, LGBTQIA+ communities, people with disabilities—SRHR is too often the frontline of discrimination.

In Brazil, we have seen how the lack of culturally sensitive care and structural racism in health services deepen health disparities. Addressing these inequities demands intersectional policies and intentional investments in inclusive systems of care.

Brazil has the tools—and the responsibility—to lead. Through its National Commission on Population and Development, Brazil is working to align national priorities of population issues with the Sustainable Development Goals, including SDG 3 on health and well-being and SDG 5 on gender equality. But this leadership must be mirrored and matched globally.

At this year’s CPD, we call on all countries to:

● Reaffirm SRHR as a core component of universal health coverage and the right to health;
● Expand funding for integrated, rights-based sexual and reproductive health services;
● Ensure youth-led participation and accountability in policy-making processes;
● Protect human rights defenders and health providers from discrimination and violence.

The Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health (PMNCH) and National Commission on Population and Development of Brazil stand united in this call. SRHR is not a siloed issue—it is central to health, equity, and the full realization of human potential.

In a world shaped by crisis—whether conflict, climate change, or pandemics—we must not lose sight of the simple truth: When people, especially women and girls, have control over their own bodies, they build stronger communities, healthier economies, and a more just world.

Let CPD 2025 be remembered as the moment we put people first—by putting SRHR at the heart of our global commitments.

¹ World Family Planning 2022 Meeting the changing needs for family planning: Contraceptive use by age and method. UNDESA. 2022. https://www.un.org/development/desa/pd/sites/www.un.org.development.desa.pd/files/files/documents/2023/Feb/undesa_pd_2022_world-family-planning.pdf

² Trends in maternal mortality 2000 to 2020: estimates by WHO, UNICEF, UNFPA, World Bank Group and UNDESA/Population Division. World Health Organization, 2023. Geneva. 9789240068759-eng.pdf

³ WHO Factsheet: Abortion. Updated 17 May 2024. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion

⁴ Santos YRP, Carvalho TDG, Leal NP, Leal MDC. Satisfaction with childbirth care in Brazilian maternity hospitals participating in the Stork Network program: women’s opinions. Cad Saude Publica. 2023 May 8;39(5):e00154522. doi: 10.1590/0102-311XEN154522. PMID: 37162113.

⁵ Adding It Up: Investing in Sexual and Reproductive Health 2019. Guttmacher Institute. 2019. https://www.guttmacher.org/report/adding-it-up-investing-in-sexual-reproductive-health-2019

⁶ ibid

Dr. Richarlls Martins is President of National Commission on Population and Development of Brazil (CNPD). Rajat Khosla is the Executive Director of the Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health (PMNCH).

IPS UN Bureau

 

Global Disability Summit Galvanizes Education Support for Crisis-Impacted Children with Disabilities 3 Apr 8:06 AM (5 days ago)

ECW Executive Director Yasmine Sherif interacts with a young girl while she paints using her mouth. Credit: ECW/Estefania Jimenez Perez

By Joyce Chimbi
NAIROBI & BERLIN, Apr 3 2025 (IPS)

Of the nearly 234 million children and adolescents of school age affected by crises, 85 million are already out of school. At least 20 percent of them—or 17 million—are children living with disabilities.

Compared to children without disabilities, children with disabilities are 49 percent more likely to have never attended school, per a recent UNICEF report. In times of crisis, girls and boys with disabilities also face heightened risks of abuse, violence, and exploitation, within and outside learning spaces. Emergencies and crises, and the way humanitarian interventions are designed and delivered, can compound the risks, barriers, and vulnerabilities faced by children and adolescents with disabilities.

“As we gather at the Global Disability Summit, Education Cannot Wait reaffirms its unwavering commitment to ensuring that children with disabilities are at the core of our efforts to leave no child behind in crisis settings,” said Yasmine Sherif, Executive Director of ECW.

“Together with our partners, we continue streamlining disability inclusion across our investments in education in emergencies and protracted crises while simultaneously supporting targeted interventions to overcome the specific barriers faced by girls and boys with disabilities in these contexts.”

“We need to bring children and adolescents, who were either born with disabilities or who were made disabled by brutal warfare, from the shadows to the light. They are the ones left absolutely furthest behind, especially in crisis situations. They need special help to return to school.”

These children include Zénabou, a 14-year-old girl from the Central African Republic who was born deaf and could not speak. She had never been to school. All that changed through ECW’s holistic education programme in the Central African Republic, specifically focusing on children with disabilities.

Zénabou received learning material, mobility aid, and special classes to learn Braille and sign language and was integrated into a network of community support for families around her and into the local school. Today, Zénabou never misses school if she can help it, can read and write and aspires to become a humanitarian development actor to help other children with disabilities. This is the story of another 150,000 children with disabilities receiving support through ECW’s programs.

Sherif says while some, like Zénabou, were born with a disability, there are millions “of children whose disability was inflicted upon them through brutal conflict. Stepping on explosives, being bombed, having their limbs amputated and having their eyes shot out. Children are vulnerable and constantly on the front lines of conflict and crisis situations.”

Emphasizing that the world has the resources needed to respond to the special needs of all children with disabilities everywhere by providing much-needed resources to support specialized education, mobility, and learning devices such as Braille, wheelchairs, and hearing aids, and to build infrastructure in the school buildings such as ramps to facilitate movement.

“I have seen situations where, with the right support, the children are capable of turning a disability into another ability. I met a girl in Colombia with no arms. She was in a wheelchair and attending an art class. She had learned how to paint the most beautiful paintings by holding a pencil in her mouth. Children are resilient. We must keep their dreams alive by delivering their right to education,” Sherif emphasizes.

“I urge the global community not to forget these children. We must mobilize resources to give them the support they need to live a full life. Too much has already been taken away from them. They simply cannot be forgotten. In a world in so much turmoil and conflict, we cannot lose our humanity. If it affects someone else, it affects us too.”

As education systems buckle under the weight of multiple, complex difficulties, there is an unprecedented global challenge as nearly 240  million children are living with disabilities worldwide today. Within systems not designed to cater to their specific needs, many are denied the opportunity to benefit from the life-transformative power of quality, inclusive education.

As partners come together for the 2025 disability summit, ECW and the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) are calling on leaders worldwide to galvanize support for children living with disabilities in crisis settings and fragile contexts. Stressing that the power of education as a pathway toward peace and resilience cannot be underestimated.

Further highlighting that when access to quality education is more equitable, societies experience greater social cohesion and political stability, reducing negative cycles of displacement and continued armed conflict. That coordinated and impactful investments in inclusive education can lift up those left furthest behind and protect the rights of children living with disabilities in some of the most challenging circumstances worldwide.

Started in 2017, the Summit focuses on improving the lives of persons with disabilities, particularly in the Global South, and brings together global, regional, and national stakeholders who share a vision for disability-inclusive development and humanitarian action. This helps sustain a continuous cycle of advocacy and mobilization of the disability rights movement.

For children, the situation is dire for even when access to education is facilitated for children with disabilities, very few children complete their schooling education. UN statistics show children with disabilities are 16 percent less likely to read or be read to at home and 25 percent less likely to attend early childhood education.

To turn the situation around, ECW has committed to reaching 10 percent of children with disabilities across all its investments and programmes. The global Fund now calls on the global community, including governments, philanthropists, private donors, and individuals, to respond to an urgent call for financial support to reach all children with disabilities in fragile settings with lifelong learning and earning opportunities by raising the funds set aside for these children.

IPS UN Bureau Report,

 

World Autism Awareness Day 2025: Sustainable Development Must Include Neurodivergent Perspectives 3 Apr 7:55 AM (5 days ago)

To ensure global sustainability, world governments and policymakers must take into consideration the needs and perspectives of neurodivergent communities. Credit: Robo Wunderkind/Unsplash

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 3 2025 (IPS)

In 2007, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly designated April 2 as World Autism Awareness Day (WAAD), in an effort to promote inclusion and human rights for autistic individuals. Much work has been done and pushed forward by autistic advocates to bring lived experiences to global discussions.

This year, the Institute of Neurodiversity (ION) and the United Nations Department of Global Communications (DGC), commemorated WAAD through an event, Advancing Neurodiversity and the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The objective of this year’s observance of WAAD was to highlight the intersections between neurodivergent individuals and the promotion of sustainable practices on a global scale. Featuring discussions between policymakers, neurodivergent advocates, and global experts, the event sought to maximize inclusivity in a variety of sectors such as healthcare, education, and urban development. Furthermore, WAAD 2025 also recognized the societal contributions made by the autistic community.

For the SDGs to be achieved by 2030, it is imperative that governments and policymakers facilitate progress for all walks of life. Global strides in sustainability must include everyone, including communities that are directly impacted by certain changes in legislation.

“Development is not sustainable if it is not fair and inclusive – and rising inequality hinders long-term growth,” said UN Secretary-General António Guterres.

“Inclusion is at the core of the SDGs. When world leaders adopted the SDGs, they promised to leave no one behind. It means that implementation of the SDGs must reach all segments of society, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, class, religion, and disability, among other factors,” said Maher Nasser, the Director of the Outreach Division, UN-DGC.

“It means that we must overcome the discrimination that marginalizes or excludes certain groups or communities, including, in many places around the world, autistic people…the neurodiverse community, along with all other segments of society, deserve a seat at the table concerning matters that affect their lives, such as the SDGs.”

Throughout the meeting, speakers and representatives discussed existing inequalities and discriminatory practices that autistic and neurodivergent individuals face that prevent them from having the same opportunities as neurotypical people. Many harmful stereotypes and barriers continue to exist, all of which halts societal acceptance, propagates discrimination, and erases neurodivergent contributions to society.

Argentinian author Alan Robinson spoke about his experiences as an autistic individual as well as his observations of the gradual acceptance of autistic people in society.

“I think that the social (consciousness) surrounding autistic people is changing. But we have to recognize that there are still tensions and conflicts. For example, some artistic expressions of the autistic community are still classified as Art Brut– the classification that was invented by the medical community during the Nazi era in Germany,” said Robinson.

He added that several communities around the world are recognizing autism as an identity rather than a disorder, a position that promotes social acceptance and inclusivity.

One specific point of focus during the event was the experience of neurodivergent people in the workplace. Historically, the majority of workplaces and professional protocols have been designed with only neurotypical individuals in mind. Many aspects of traditional professionalism, such as long job interviews, the lack of accommodations, and workplace discrimination, are known to put neurodivergent individuals at a disadvantage.

Anjaneya Sharma, a student and one of the neurodivergent voices on the panel, spoke about his observations surrounding the treatment of neuro-minorities in the workplace. “The main barrier here would be labeling us without actually getting to know us. There is a very big taboo around the word ‘autism’ and ‘neurodivergent’. As I’m thinking about entering the workforce in the future, I’m hoping for a culture where people are encouraged to get to know neuro-minorities when there is basically socializing, conversations, and activities that happen where neuro-minorities are not judged, but understood as they are,” said Sharma.

A 2020 study conducted by the Institute of Leadership and Management found that 50 percent of office managers reported feeling uncomfortable at the prospect of hiring a neurodivergent employee. Additionally, the study found that when professional environments are not flexible or accommodating enough, many neurodivergent employees tend to underperform compared to their neurotypical counterparts. According to the Office for National Statistics, workers with disabilities were 8 percent less likely to work in higher ranking positions.

Autistic and neurodivergent individuals also face significant hurdles in their ability to access basic healthcare services. Like workplaces, medical environments are primarily designed for neurotypical individuals. Neurodivergent patients often have difficulty in communicating their medical conditions. Healthcare personnel are often not equipped to treat neurodivergent patients and require assistance from specialists.

Erin Dekker, a researcher on neurodiversity, spoke in detail on the healthcare system and how neurodivergent patients are disadvantaged in the quality of their treatment.

“Autistic individuals face significant challenges in accessing healthcare but also in the quality of care that they receive,” said Dekker. “These challenges contribute to poor mental and physical health. Many autistic individuals, particularly women, gender-diverse people, and other marginalized intersecting identities are often not taken seriously or disbelieved by healthcare providers.”

One of the main themes of WAAD 2025 was the need for a variety of perspectives when thinking about a sustainable future. A diverse array of voices and inclusive conversations are essential in ensuring a future that benefits everyone.

“Just like that, it is the differences from individuals that actually allow for a diversity of perspectives, ideas, and innovations, which makes the world a better place,” Sharma said. “It’s actually what makes us human, after all. That is something that I would like all corporations, companies, and employers to think about when hiring.”

IPS UN Bureau

 

Solar-Powered Spinning Machines Help Indian Women Save Time and Earn More 3 Apr 2:53 AM (5 days ago)

Jacinta Maslai using her solar-powered spinning machine at her home in Warsawsaw village in Ri Bhoi district. Credit: Sanskrita Bharadwaj/IPS

By Sanskrita Bharadwaj
WARMAWSAW, Meghalaya, India, Apr 3 2025 (IPS)

As light enters through the small window of a modestly constructed tin-roofed house, Philim Makri sits on a chair deftly spinning cocoons of eri silk with the help of a solar-powered spinning machine in Warmawsaw village in Ri Bhoi district of Meghalaya in northeast India.

Makri belongs to the indigenous Khasi tribe of Meghalaya and is one of the several women from the region who has benefitted from solar-powered spinning machines.

In India’s northeastern states like Assam and Meghalaya, silkworm rearing and weaving are common among several rural and tribal communities. Ri-Bhoi district of Meghalaya, where Makri is from, is among the regions where eri culture is deeply rooted in tradition and is often passed on from one generation to the other.

The process of spinning and weaving eri is mainly carried out by women. Before switching to the solar-powered spinning machines in 2018, Makri used a traditional hand-held ‘takli’ or spindle. She would open the empty eri cocoons, draft the fibers by hand, and spin them onto the spindle to create yarn. This process was extremely laborious, 60-year-old Makri said. It would leave her feeling tired with constant pain in her hand, back, neck, and eyes.

Process of spinning eri yarn

Eri derives its name from castor leaves—locally known as ‘Rynda’ in the Khasi language. Castor leaves are the primary food source for the eri silkworms. As the production process is considered to be non-violent, eco-friendly, and sustainable, eri silk has earned itself the title of ‘peace silk.’

Thirty-eight-year-old Jacinta Maslai from Patharkhmah village in Ri Bhoi district, who has been spinning eri cocoons into yarn for years, explained how an eri moth lays hundreds of eggs and after 10 days or so, these eggs hatch, producing silkworms, which are then reared indoors and fed castor leaves until they mature over a period of 30 days.

When the silkworm matures to its full size, they are placed on cocoonage—devices that help silkworms spin their cocoons. The moth evolves, breaking out from the open end of the cocoon to start a new life cycle. Thus, in this process, no moths are killed. The empty cocoons are boiled to remove the gums left behind by the worms; they are then rinsed and left out in the sun to dry.

According to Maslai, the best season to carry out this process is from May till October. “When the weather is too cold or too hot, the worms don’t grow properly because they eat less. If they don’t eat well, they don’t make the cocoon well enough,” Maslai said.

Switching to solar-powered spinning machines

Women artisans have for years used their traditional spindles or ‘taklis,’ to spin eri cocoons into yarn. However, many of them, like Maslai and Makri, have now switched to the solar-powered spinning machines, which they claim have made their lives “easier.”

Since Maslai started using the solar-powered machines, she says she can weave up to 500 grams in a week. “Sometimes even a kilo is possible in a week but many of us have children and farms to look after so we can manage up to 500 grams in a week,” Maslai said, adding that before they wouldn’t get a kilo even if they spun for an entire month with the ‘takli.’

“The machines help a lot—with our hands, we couldn’t do much.”

In the nearby Patharkhmah market, Maslai sells one kilo of yarm for Rs 2500.

Makri, who is considered an expert at spinning eri yarn, said she has sold 1 kg of yarn for up to Rs 3000. “The lowest quality of one kilo of eri yarn is about Rs 1200-1500. The quality also differs in terms of the smoothness of the yarn sometimes,” Makri said.

The machines have also made our lives better because their villages are usually without electricity for an entire day, Maslai said. In the mornings they usually go out for farming; evenings are the time when they find adequate time to spin.

“The machines provide backup solar batteries so we can work at night. It is helpful during the rainy season too when it’s too cloudy for the solar panels to be used as a direct energy source,” Maslai said, adding, “I spin a lot in the evenings after cooking dinner. That’s when my kids are asleep.”

The machines have been distributed by MOSONiE Socio Economic Foundation, a not-for-profit led entirely by a group of women based in Pillangkata of Ri Bhoi district in Meghalaya.

“Our vision is to increase the productivity of eri silk spinners by providing solar-powered spinning machines to them. We also want to provide them financial options to afford a spinning machine by connecting them with rural banks. The idea is to give them training to use these machines and promote entrepreneurship among the women artisans,” said Salome Savitri, one of the co-founders of MOSONiE.

Many women in rural areas, Savitri said, cannot afford to buy the machines or do not have the money to pay direct cash; this is where she said MOSONiE steps in and bridges the gap between Meghalaya Rural Bank (MRB) and the women artisans. For instance, Maslai took a loan from MRB to buy the spinning machine, which she paid off after a year.

Maslai recalls how, with training from MOSONiE, it took her about three days to make the switch from a handheld spindle to the machine. “We use the machine now and no longer use the traditional method,” Maslai said.

Makri, who is one of the more experienced ones, also teaches others from her village to use the solar-powered spinning machines. Individually, people give her Rs 50-100 per day for the training they receive from her. She has won awards for her work from India’s ministry of textiles, central silk board, and the national handloom awards.

Upasna Jain, chief of staff at Resham Sutra, a Delhi-based social enterprise that has been manufacturing the solar-powered spinning machines, said not-for-profit organizations like MOSONiE, which is an on-ground partner of Resham Sutra in Meghalaya, help them establish rural experience centers. “We have our on-ground partners, who enable us to mobilize, create awareness, outreach, and demonstrations. In the rural experience centers, we have machines for spinning but we also have machines for quality certification. The on-ground partners impart 3 to 5 days of training, and we also have community champions because even after training, a lot of handholding is required,” Jain explained.

Out of 28 states, currently, Resham Sutra has managed to reach 16 states of India. “We work with eri, mulberry, tussar, and muga silk,” Jain said. Started in 2015, the Resham Sutra initiative has more than 25,000 installations across India.

“Our founder, Kunal Vaid, was an exporter of silk and home linen, and he would source his silk fabric from Jharkhand, where he saw the traditional thigh reeling process to make tussar yarn…he being a mechanical engineer who specialized in industrial design, out of a hobby innovated a spinning wheel, which has now become a full-time business enterprise.”

Jain added, “He also transitioned from being an exporter to a full-time social entrepreneur.” Apart from the spinning wheels, Resham Sutra also manufactures solar looms.

Through the use of solar, Jain said, their aim is to also take the silk industry towards carbon neutrality. She said, “As our machines are solar-powered, we save a lot of carbon dioxide, our machines run on low voltage and they are energy efficient. So, wherever there is ample sunlight, these machines are a great solution, especially in remote villages where electricity can be erratic.”

While both Makri and Maslai like using their machines, they said that an extra space to expand their spinning avenues would help them greatly. Makri wants to build another room where she can keep both her spinning machines and teach others too. Maslai, who lives in a two-room house, said there is barely any space for her to teach anyone else but she still tries to pass on the craft to young girls as well as boys who are interested in learning. “When I am teaching, they look after my kids as a token of goodwill.”

IPS UN Bureau Report,

 

Excerpt:

In India’s Meghalaya, silkworm rearing and weaving are common in rural areas. Ri-Bhoi district of Meghalaya is among the regions where eri culture is deeply rooted in tradition; several women there are using solar-powered spinning machines to make yarn.

Education Cannot Wait Interviews Sigrid Kaag, Chair of the ECW High-Level Steering Group 2 Apr 10:54 PM (5 days ago)

By External Source
Apr 3 2025 (IPS-Partners)

 
Sigrid Kaag is the new Chair of Education Cannot Wait’s High-Level Steering Group. Kaag brings a wealth of experience in political, humanitarian and development affairs, as well as in diplomacy. In 2025, she was appointed by United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres as the UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, a.i. Kaag has just concluded her mandate as Senior Humanitarian and Reconstruction Coordinator for Gaza, a role she held since 2024. She served as the first Deputy Prime Minister and first female Minister of Finance in the Dutch government starting in January 2022. Prior to this, she was Dutch Minister for Trade and Development Cooperation from October 2017 until May 2021, and Minister for Foreign Affairs until September 2021.

Kaag has held a wide range of senior positions in the United Nations system. From 2015 to 2017, she was the United Nations Special Coordinator for Lebanon, and from 2013 to 2015, she was Special Coordinator of the Joint Organization for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the United Nations Mission in Syria. She served as Assistant Secretary-General with the United Nations Development Programme from 2010 to 2013 and as Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa with UNICEF in Jordan from 2007 to 2010. Prior to that, Kaag served in several senior positions with UNICEF, the International Organization for Migration, and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

Kaag holds a Master of Arts in Middle East Studies from the University of Exeter, a Master of Philosophy in International Relations from Oxford University and a Bachelor of Arts in Middle East Studies from the American University in Cairo.

ECW: Congratulations on your appointment as the new Chair of ECW’s High-Level Steering Group. What do you hope to achieve for crisis-affected girls and boys who urgently need education support through ECW’s work with our strategic donors and partners?

Sigrid Kaag: Thank you very much. I have both observed and been a partner with Education Cannot Wait (ECW) from its early years, notably in my Ministerial roles in the Netherlands. As Chair, it is a great privilege to build upon the success which The Rt. Hon. Gordon Brown established as the founding father of ECW. I have had the honor of working alongside him for many years to champion education in emergencies and protracted crises, and to position it higher on the international agenda. ECW and its implementing partners continue to drive results that help achieve our vision of quality education for all, including the 234 million crisis-affected children and adolescents around the world who urgently need education support.

Education is often the first service to suffer when people are on the move or schools and teachers are targeted in armed conflicts. ECW fiercely advocates for the rights of all girls and boys to a safe, inclusive quality education, and it brings together the strategic complementary partners who are best placed to make true impact on the ground. Through donor financing, ECW’s funded partners work around the clock to re-establish a sense of normalcy for crisis-impacted children, and to provide the continuous, quality learning to which every child is entitled.

If you look at the state of the world today and the diverse crises that so many countries face – with children always the hardest hit – ECW is more important now than ever before. We are a proven model that funds to deliver life-saving quality education with speed, agility, depth and impact.

ECW and its partners – including donors, the private sector, ministries of education, UN agencies, civil society, and local communities – have consistently demonstrated that it is possible to create meaningful change and have a significant impact in the lives of crisis-affected children through education when we have the funding needed to do it together.

ECW: We are experiencing a fast-changing humanitarian funding landscape resulting in the first drop in humanitarian funding for education in over a decade. Why is investing in education for children impacted by armed conflicts, climate change and forced displacement essential in global efforts to build peace, security and economic growth?

Sigrid Kaag: To ask the question is to answer it. It’s an issue of human rights, opportunity, emancipation and development. Learning is a continuous journey in a person’s lifetime under normal circumstances. Children and adolescents who are impacted by armed conflicts, climate change and forced displacement are often deprived of this opportunity and of the support circles that would enable them to grow and flourish into young adults, equipped to chart their destinies. Education in crises is nothing less than lifesaving and must be a priority for humanitarian funding. Along with food, healthcare and shelter, education is critical in creating a systems-wide approach that protects and safeguards children and builds toward lasting solutions. Funding education programmes targeted for crisis-affected girls and boys – alongside mental health and psychosocial support – is both foundational and fundamental.

When children are denied access to education, not only are their future opportunities limited, but socio-economic disparities are perpetuated, fueling armed conflicts, forced displacement and environmental degradation. Providing education opportunities offers those left furthest behind a pathway to resilience, helping them adapt to the challenges posed by these crises and empowering them to create positive change in their societies.

Education in crisis contexts is also a fundamental tool for promoting peace and security. Schools offer safe spaces, reducing children’s vulnerability to forced recruitment into armed groups, exploitation and violence. Educating children in these settings fosters a sense of hope and stability, allowing young people to envision a future beyond their immediate circumstances, and promoting peacebuilding efforts within and across borders.

Finally, investing in education is key to fostering economic growth, which is important even amidst crisis and is crucial in post-crisis recovery efforts. Education develops the next generation’s skills and potential, which is vital for rebuilding economies and strengthening societies. Without these investments, the long-term prospects for economic recovery remain bleak, as an uneducated population will struggle to meet the challenges of a rapidly changing global economy. Education, in this context, is not just a humanitarian issue but also a strategic investment for sustainable peace and development.

ECW: As the new Chair of ECW’s High-Level Steering Group, what is your message to donor governments and the private sector regarding their role in ensuring that crisis-impacted children receive the education they deserve? How can they step up and fulfill their commitments to achieve ECW’s goal of reaching 20 million children?

Sigrid Kaag: Support for Education Cannot Wait is an investment in stability, opportunity and human dignity in the world’s most fragile places. ECW has done an incredible job, mobilizing over US$1.6 billion to date. With global needs spiraling, ECW’s funded work in places like Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Syria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo has never been more crucial. With its efficient operating model and low overheads, donors – whether governments, private sector or philanthropists – can look to ECW to make their money and their impact, go further. For just US$250, ECW can support a young girl or boy to stay in education for three years. That’s incredible value for money.

We need to think smartly about how to leverage new sources of funding. We need to harness the power and innovation of the private sector to co-create new solutions. For the private sector, investing in education is not just philanthropy, it is an investment in the stable, prosperous markets of tomorrow. We will also need the strong support of our government partners to prioritize education in emergencies in their aid budgets.

We are at a critical juncture, and the time to act is now.

ECW: You are a visionary leader for girls’ education and for mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS), particularly for crisis-affected children and adolescents. These are two key priorities for ECW. Why should we invest in the education of girls today to build a better tomorrow? Why is MHPSS crucial in the holistic education approach for crisis-affected children?

Sigrid Kaag: Investing in girls’ education should no longer be a question. Girls and women are half of the world’s population. I’d like to think that, in 2025, we don’t even have to answer that question anymore.

It is a no-brainer. We’ve known for a long time that investing in girls, adolescent girls and women is essential if you look at well-being, health and educational outcomes, but also the income of the family and future of the community. Education translates to economic progress. By investing in individuals, you’re also investing in a future workforce.

There’s an economic argument and there’s a rights argument. Then there is a protection and emancipation argument. They all come together. That said, sadly, there are places in our world where this argument still needs to be made, and we will continue making it. But for the partners of ECW, and certainly me as the Chair, it’s quite the reverse. Together, we champion every child’s right to a quality education and have no doubt of the value in making that investment.

In terms of the importance of MHPSS, I’ve seen the gap in this support since 2005/2006, when I was the UNICEF Regional Director in the Middle East and North Africa. Back then, MHPSS was being treated as an afterthought, as an extra activity that could be an add-on – haphazardly tagged on when we were talking about education in crisis settings. So, when I became the Dutch Minister for Trade and Development Cooperation, I made sure that we mainstreamed MHPSS in all of the crisis activities, particularly education and health. As we focus on education, it is important to underscore that MHPSS is taken along as a core activity for the teachers and those that work at the schools, the children and the parents as well. It is one way to assist crisis-impacted children to begin the journey to tackle at least part of the trauma inflicted on them in crisis settings. It is essential.

ECW: We know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education, no matter who or where they are. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally, and why would you recommend them to others?

Sigrid Kaag: Three interesting books that I have recently read include The Map of Love by Ahdaf Soueif, Grand Hotel Europa by Ilja Leonard Pfeijffer, and The Crisis of Democratic Capitalism by Martin Wolf. Global politics is the underlying theme that threads through all three books. The historical fiction novel, The Map of Love, is about an intergenerational, cross-cultural journey that unfolds between an Egyptian and an American family. Politics and personal relationships become intertwined as both the ancestors and their descendants embark on their journeys. Grand Hotel Europa is also historical fiction and follows a writer who stays in the once glorious but now decaying Grand Hotel Europa. The story of the hotel and the memorable hotel guests serve as a metaphor for globalization and the European condition. The Crisis of Democratic Capitalism points out that democratic capitalism, despite its flaws, remains the best choice for retaining our political and economic freedom. Each of these books invite the reader to take a step back, examine the bigger picture of our well-being as a world, and consider how we are all connected to each other as global citizens.

 

DR Congo: Millions Facing Destitution as Violence Forces People to Flee Multiple Times 2 Apr 10:26 PM (5 days ago)

Displaced people receive food aid outside Goma in the eastern DR Congo. Credit: WFP/Jerry Ally Kahashi

By Jan Egeland
OSLO, Norway, Apr 3 2025 (IPS)

The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) warns that 100,000s of people in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have been pushed into desperate conditions by the escalation of violent conflict in 2025.

The escalation of violent conflict in recent months has pushed hundreds of thousands of people in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) into desperate conditions.

Displaced families sheltering at temporary sites have once again been forced to flee, as fighting and abuse plunge people into life-threatening situations. The explosion of humanitarian needs requires immediate attention from an international community that has turned its back on people in crisis. Parties to the conflict must end the violence facing civilians.

I am truly shocked by the conditions I have seen in and around the city of Goma. The lives of hundreds of thousands of people here in eastern DRC are hanging by a thread. Right across North and South Kivu, people have been repeatedly compelled to flee camps, where essential facilities were often already inadequate. Now, most find themselves in locations that lack shelter, basic sanitation, or drinking water, with diseases such as cholera rapidly increasing as a result.

Our courageous staff remained in Goma during the height of the conflict, and were supporting the community once again within just a few days. But many displaced people I’ve listened to last week have lost everything after years of violence. It is unacceptable that a small number of humanitarian organisations are faced with a vast mountain of needs.

It is high time that assistance here matches the vast scale of human suffering. Long term solutions must be enabled, with children quickly allowed to return to school, banks to re-open, and an immediate end to violence and threats of violence against civilians.

Since the M23 offensive across the region earlier this year, an estimated 1.2 million people have been displaced across North and South Kivu provinces. 1.8 million people have been compelled to return to their places of origin, often to locations which bear deep scars from years of conflict between multiple armed groups.

Civilians face threats, gender-based violence, and extreme deprivation. Unexploded munitions continue to prevent many communities from fully cultivating their land.

Fighting and conflict are still continuing, with thousands of families caught in limbo, without the means to rebuild or cultivate food. The situation facing civilians in eastern DRC has for years been a stain on the international community: now it has become even worse.

NRC teams are providing displaced people with emergency aid, but there is too little funding available. The United States has for long been the largest donor to emergency relief and development aid in the country, but many US-funded projects have been interrupted or paused due to changes at USAID, just as humanitarian needs in DRC exploded.

DRC has for eight consecutive years been ranked as one of the world’s most neglected displacement crises, due to repeated cycles of conflict, lack of funding for aid and media attention, or effective humanitarian and peace diplomacy.

Millions of people have been repeatedly driven from first their homes and then, again, from camps, often multiple times. Families have been pushed into impossible choices just to survive, such as going to dangerous areas to find firewood to sell, exchanging sex for food, or sending young children to beg for money.

The level of global neglect experienced by civilians in eastern DRC should shame world leaders. Now, at a point of deep insecurity and with many families having returned to their areas of origin, there must be concerted action to finally support the population properly. Humanitarian and development assistance must now take priority: the people of DRC must not be faced with simply more of the same.

Notes to editors:

• In North Kivu and South Kivu provinces, 1,157,090 people have been displaced since the start of 2025, and 1,787,298 have returned to their areas of origin (IOM).

• Between January and February 2025, over 660,000 people were displaced out of temporary collective sites in Goma and on the outskirts of Nyiragongo territory (IOM).

• Across DRC, almost seven million people are internally displaced, with almost 90 per cent displaced due to conflict (IOM).

• In villages around Shasha, west of Goma, over 90 per cent of people lack proper latrines or washing facilities, and drinking water connections have been destroyed (NRC survey, conducted February 14-17 and covering 138 households).

• Every year NRC published a report of the ten most neglected displacement crises in the world. DRC has featured every year since the inception of the report, including in thrice as the most neglected crisis and four times as the second (NRC).

• The Humanitarian Response Plan for DRC regularly receives less than half of what is required to meet basic humanitarian needs. In 2023 it was 41 per cent funded; in 2024 it was 44 per cent funded (2023 UNHCR; 2024 UNHRC). In 2025, the humanitarian community in the DRC calls for $2.54 billion to provide lifesaving assistance to 11 million people affected by crises (2025 HRP).

• In 2024 the United States provided over two-thirds of the supplied funding for the DRC humanitarian response plan (UN OCHA).

• Access to sanitation and drinking water has become a major challenge. In areas where NRC is responding around Shasha, west of Goma, entire communities have returned to locations which lack functioning latrines, drinking water, or washing facilities.

• Cholera cases have spiked, with families forced to drink untreated water from Lake Kivu or from the river. NRC has established stations where water can be chlorinated and made safer, and is working to repair and rebuild damaged clean water infrastructure.

• In North and South Kivu provinces, 5,927 schools remain closed resulting in almost 2,000,000 children with no access to education (DRC Education Cluster).

• Food security remains a major concern across DRC, which is currently the largest hunger crisis in the world, with 27.7m people experiencing high acute food insecurity. This level means that many people do not have enough to eat, that many are experiencing malnutrition, and are being forced to sell anything they have to afford food (IPC).

• Agricultural land in many areas of North and South Kivu have lain untended for years owing to people fleeing violence. Elsewhere, those returning to their land struggle to evidence their ownership, thus increasing possibilities for disputes. NRC provides support to people to access and claim their land and continues to push for wider land rights reform (NRC Information, Counselling, and Legal Assistance).

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Jan Egeland is Secretary-General of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC)

Make America Great Again? Not by This Administration 2 Apr 4:29 AM (6 days ago)

The US administration’s actions, policies, program cuts and employee firings will not improve but likely only worsen America’s mediocre standing on virtually every major measure of societal wellbeing and development. Credit: Shutterstock.

By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Apr 2 2025 (IPS)

For most voters, to make America great again, as the 47th president has repeatedly pledged, meant to make the United States markedly superior globally. However, the administration’s actions, policies and program cuts will not improve but only worsen the US’s mediocre standing among advanced countries.

Nevertheless, in order to assess the administration’s prospects to make America great again, it is appropriate and necessary to establish the current standing or rank of the US across various important dimensions.

Regarding economic strength and military power, the United States has the highest rankings worldwide. The US gross national product (GNP), for example, is in first place and well ahead of other countries (Figure 1).

 

 

In per capita income, however, the United States falls to around 5th place behind countries such as Luxembourg, Norway, Switzerland and Ireland. Furthermore, America’s debt-to-GDP ratio is the fourth largest among OECD economies, behind Japan, Greece and Italy, and is at its highest level since World War II.

With respect to military power, the United States is in first place. The US maintains its lead in warfare with its sizable armed forces combined with substantial advanced military technologies.

One valued and recognized dimension of societal development and human wellbeing is life expectancy at birth. The US life expectancy at birth of about 78 years is lower than the OECD average of about 80 years. In fact, the US life expectancy at birth ranks about 32nd and well behind Canada, Italy, Japan and Switzerland.

In terms of its ranking, the US life expectancy at birth of about 78 years is lower than the OECD average of about 80 years. In fact, the US life expectancy at birth ranks about 32nd and well behind Canada, Italy, Japan and Switzerland. Despite the fact that the US life expectancy lags behind other wealthy nations, the country’s president issued an executive order rolling back policies to limit drug spending by Medicaid and Medicare.

A related indicator of development is the infant mortality rate. Similar to life expectancy at birth, the infant mortality rate of the United States ranks poorly in comparison to other high-income countries. The US rate is approximately three times the rates of Japan, Norway and Sweden (Figure 2).

 

 

Again despite its relatively low ranking, the administration made far-reaching financial cuts in the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Those and related actions by the administration have contributed to grinding the National Institutes of Health to a halt, set back its scientific reporting and sent shockwaves through academia and the biomedical research institutions.

Another frequent measure of a country’s standing in the world is the level of poverty among its population. Among OECD countries, the United States has the second highest poverty level at 18% and well below Canada (11%), France (9%), Germany (12%), Italy (13 %), Switzerland (10%) and the United Kingdom (12%).

An important dimension reflecting security and public safety is the level of homicides. Again among the OECD countries, the United States has the fourth highest intentional homicide rate and is double the OECD average. Moreover, the US homicide rate is more than ten times the rates of Ireland, Italy, Japan, Norway and Switzerland.

A second measure related to crime is a country’s incarceration rate. Among the OECD countries, the United States has the highest incarceration rate, which is approximately five times the OECD average rate.

One indicator reflecting the health of members of a population is the proportion of its adult population who are obese. Again, the United States is well ahead other developed countries in its level of obesity (Figure 3).

 

 

The rate of obesity among US adults is approximately 42% or nearly double the OECD average proportion. In striking contrast, the levels of other countries are much lower, such as in France (10%), Germany (23%), Italy (18%), Japan (8%), Russia (24%), Switzerland (15%) and the United Kingdom (17%). Moreover, with the administration laying off 10,000 employees at the Health and Human Services Department, America’s health conditions are not likely to improve but worsen.

While it leads the world in military power and GNP, the United States is well behind many other advanced countries with respect to life expectancy, infant mortality, health, poverty, homicide and crime, family structure, education, human rights, status of women, maternal mortality and reported happiness

A widely recognized measure of societal development and valued by a country’s citizens is the level of education provided to the general public. Among the top countries having a well-developed public education system are Japan, Denmark, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Finland, Germany and Canada, with the US ranked at approximately the 12th position.

Similarly with respect to student performance at the primary and secondary levels, America is not among the top ten countries. The administration’s decision to eliminate the Department of Education will likely worsen the US standing on public education.

In terms of family structure, the United States leads the world in single-parent household rates, with the large majority of those households missing a father.

In 2023, nearly one in four children in the US aged 0‒17 years, totaling about 19 million, were living in a household without their biological, step, or adoptive father, mostly with their mother (85% of cases). The US proportion of children in single-parent households is markedly higher than the levels of Japan (7%), Mexico (7%), Germany (12%), Canada (15%) and France (16%).

Human rights is a vital aspect of societal well-being and development. The United States typically ranks lower than other high-income OECD countries on human rights indicators.

Among 24 high-income OECD countries, the United States ranks at the bottom at 24th with respect to economic and social rights. And the situation has worsened recently as the president signed a sweeping executive order denouncing federal worker unions as hostile and rescinding collective bargaining agreements of federal union workers.

Closely related to human rights is the status of women. Here again, the United States is not among the top ten countries. Far ahead of the US with respect to the status of women are countries such as Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. Among 29 OECD countries, the US ranks 19th.

Moreover, two indicators of the status of women that have worsened in the US are maternal mortality and political violence against women. The US has the highest level of maternal mortality among OECD countries. Also, women in the US who take on political leadership are frequent targets of violence and harassment.

Finally with respect to reported happiness among its citizens, the United States is not among the top countries. Whereas the top four countries in 2025 are Finland, Denmark, Iceland and Sweden, the US ranks 24th among countries in terms of life satisfaction.

The relatively low ranking of the United States on reported happiness is believed to be due to the cost of living, economic uncertainty and the political polarization. The administration’s recent decisions and rhetoric have only increased economic uncertainty and political polarization across the United States.

Also, many are concerned about proposals to alter the country’s social safety. As the administration and Republican Congressional leaders push to pass a tax cut extension, they are considering reforms and cost reductions to the country’s major entitlement programs that are consuming about half of all federal spending, in particular Medicaid, Medicare and Social Security.

In sum, while it leads the world in military power and GNP, the United States is well behind many other advanced countries with respect to life expectancy, infant mortality, health, poverty, homicide and crime, family structure, education, human rights, status of women, maternal mortality and reported happiness.

The administration’s actions, policies, program cuts and employee firings will not improve but likely only worsen America’s mediocre standing on virtually every major measure of societal wellbeing and development. Finally, about that unremitting pledge by the US president to make America great again, it’s well on its way to the graveyard of vain political slogans.

 

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division and author of numerous publications on population issues, including his recent book, “Population Levels, Trends, and Differentials”.

 

Hunger and Heightened Insecurity Pushes Sudan to the Brink of Collapse 2 Apr 3:38 AM (6 days ago)

The United Nations Security Council Hears Reports on the latest developments occurring in Sudan. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 2 2025 (IPS)

After nearly two years of extended warfare and protracted crises as a result of the Sudanese Civil War, Sudan remains the world’s biggest internal displacement crisis. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), heightened insecurity, widespread famine, economic strife, and climate shocks threaten the lives of approximately 25.6 million people.

On March 28, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released a report examining the scale of needs in Sudan. It is currently estimated that roughly half of Sudan’s population faces acute food insecurity. Famine has been declared in five areas, including North Darfur and the Western Nuba mountains. FAO predicts that famine is imminent in numerous conflict hotspots, such as Darfur, Khartoum and Kordofan.

As a result of unrelenting insecurity in Sudan for nearly two years, agricultural systems have been decimated. Climate shocks, damage to critical infrastructures, and the lack of essential services, such as veterinary care and gardening tools, have made it nearly impossible for the majority of Sudanese civilians to self-sufficiently produce food or income. FAO estimates that the livelihoods of nearly two-thirds of the population have been disrupted.

“This is a full-scale hunger crisis and I’m going to call it a catastrophe. The civil war has killed thousands, uprooted millions and set the country ablaze, and yet it’s forgotten, (despite being) the epicentre of the world’s largest and most severe hunger crisis ever,” said World Food Programme (WFP) Director Cindy McCain.

Zahra Abdullah, a Sudanese refugee residing in the Al Salam displacement shelter bordering Nyala City, told Doctors Without Borders (MSF) of the harsh living conditions for displaced civilians.

“This is not the first war I have experienced, but it is definitely the most devastating to my life. The living conditions here are harsh, and everything is a daily struggle…But even so, the suffering never ends. It starts with finding clean water to drink, continues with trying to provide enough food, and ends with finding a place to sleep. Sometimes I sit alone and think: is this the life I will live forever?” said Abdullah.

FAO urgently requires 156.7 million USD to provide food assistance to over 14.2 million people in 2025. FAO’s investments in the agricultural sector include deliveries of crop packages, livestock vaccinations, and economic assistance for families who run fisheries. If fully funded, this would enable Sudanese civilians to produce income self-sufficiently and diversify their diets, helping to offset malnutrition and food insecurity.

In their March 30 situation update on the current levels of insecurity in Sudan, UNHCR reported high levels of conflict present in the Khartoum, Kordofan, Darfur, and White Nile States, with regular airstrikes and artillery shellings destroying civilian infrastructures and causing significant civilian casualties.

According to figures from the United Nations (UN), there have been dozens of reported casualties and over 120,000 internal civilian displacements in the past few weeks alone. Within the first three months of 2025, Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) has recorded 1,925 civilian casualties as a result of explosive weapons in Sudan.

On March 25, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) conducted an airstrike on the Tura Market, which is roughly 45 kilometers away from El Fasher in the North Darfur state. Although the total number of civilian casualties has yet to be confirmed, it is estimated to fall between 100 and 270. Adam Rejal, a spokesperson for the Sudanese humanitarian organization General Coordination, stated that women accounted for more than half of the casualties.

According to the latest figures from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) update, there are currently over 11 million internally displaced civilians in Sudan, with the majority having been displaced from Khartoum, South Darfur, and North Darfur.

Despite conflict continuing to rage on in Sudan, IOM recorded a decrease in internal displacements by 2.4 percent between December 2024 and March 2025. Although IOM estimates that roughly 400,000 internally displaced civilians have begun returning to their homes in Al Jazirah, Khartoum, and Sennar, many have returned to areas that lack critical resources such as food, shelter, and healthcare. According to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), bombardments and artillery shellings have destroyed or significantly damaged a litany of critical infrastructures, including water reservoirs, hospitals, and schools.

“While many people are eager to return home, the conditions for safe and sustainable return and integration are not yet in place,” said Mohamed Refaat, Chief of Mission of IOM Sudan. “Basic services including healthcare, protection, education, and food are scarce, and the lack of functional infrastructure and financial capacity will make it difficult for families to rebuild their lives.”

Levels of displacement have been on the rise in North Darfur and the White Nile states due to heightened insecurity in those areas. The UN and its partners remain on the frontlines of this crisis, providing basic services and nutritional assistance to communities that have been hit the hardest by this crisis.

On March 27, WFP delivered 1,200 metric tons of food to roughly 100,000 people in the Bahri and Omdurman regions in Khartoum, marking the first time WFP deliveries had successfully reached civilians in the area since the latest surge of hostilities.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Regime Obstructs Aid But Finally Declares Ceasefire in Quake-hit Myanmar 2 Apr 1:07 AM (6 days ago)

Boosting faint hopes of still finding survivors, rescue workers from Myanmar and Turkey pulled a man alive from the rubble of a hotel in the capital early on Wednesday, five days after the quake hit. But hope of finding more survivors is slim after central Myanmar was devastated by a massive earthquake last Friday. Now […]

Civil Society’s Reform Vision Gains Urgency as the USA Abandons UN Institutions 1 Apr 10:25 PM (6 days ago)

Credit: Fabrice Coffrini/AFP via Getty Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Apr 2 2025 (IPS)

Today’s multiple and connected crises – including conflicts, climate breakdown and democratic regression – are overwhelming the capabilities of the international institutions designed to address problems states can’t or won’t solve. Now US withdrawal from global bodies threatens to worsen a crisis in international cooperation.

The second Trump administration quickly announced its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and the World Health Organization (WHO), terminated its cooperation with the UN Human Rights Council, walked out of negotiations on a global tax treaty and imposed sanctions on International Criminal Court officials.

Although the USA has sometimes been an obstructive force, including by repeatedly blocking Security Council resolutions on Israel, global institutions lose legitimacy when powerful states opt out. While all states are formally equal in the UN, the reality is that the USA’s decisions to participate or quit matter more than most because it’s a superpower whose actions have global implications. It’s also the biggest funder of UN institutions, even if it has a poor record in paying on time.

As it stands, the USA’s WHO withdrawal will take effect in January 2026, although the decision could face a legal challenge and Trump could rescind his decision if the WHO makes changes to his liking, since deal-making powered by threats and brinkmanship is how he does business. But if withdrawal happens, the WHO will be hard hit. The US government is the WHO’s biggest contributor, providing around 18 per cent of funding. That’s a huge gap to fill, and it’s likely the organisation will have to cut back its work. Progress towards a global pandemic treaty, under negotiation since 2021, may be hindered.

It’s possible philanthropic sources will step up their support, and other states may help fill the gap. The challenge comes if authoritarian states take advantage of the situation by increasing their contributions and expect greater influence in return. China, for example, may be poised to do so.

That’s what happened when the first Trump administration pulled out of the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). China filled the vacuum by increasing its contributions to become UNESCO’s biggest annual funder. Presumably not coincidentally, a Chinese official became its deputy head, while China was able to block Taiwan’s attempts to join. It was out of concern about this growing influence that the Biden administration took the USA back into UNESCO in 2023; that decision could now be reversed, as Trump has claimed UNESCO is biased against the USA and ordered a review.

The Human Rights Council may be less immediately affected because the USA isn’t currently a member, its term having ended at the close of 2024. It rejoined in 2021 after Trump pulled out in 2018, and had already made the unusual decision not to seek a second term, likely because this would have provoked a backlash over its support for Israel. Apart from its relationship with Israel, however, during its term under the Biden administration the USA was largely recognised as playing a positive role in the Council’s business. If it refuses to cooperate, it deprives US citizens of a vital avenue of redress.

The USA’s actions may also inspire other states with extremist leaders to follow suit. Argentina’s President Javier Milei, a keen Trump admirer, has imitated him by announcing his country’s departure from the WHO. Political leaders in Hungary and Italy have discussed doing the same. Israel followed the USA in declaring it wouldn’t engage with the Human Rights Council. For its own reasons, in February authoritarian Nicaragua also announced its withdrawal from the Council following a report critical of its appalling human rights record.

It could be argued that institutions like the Human Rights Council and UNESCO, having survived one Trump withdrawal, can endure a second. But these shocks come at a different time, when the UN system is already more fragile and damaged. Now the very idea of multilateralism and a rules-based international order is under attack, with transactional politics and hard-nosed national power calculations on the rise. Backroom deals resulting from power games are replacing processes with a degree of transparency aimed at achieving consensus. The space for civil society engagement and opportunities for leverage are in danger of shrinking accordingly.

Real reform needed

Revitalising the UN may seem a tall order when it’s under attack, but as CIVICUS’s 2025 State of Civil Society Report outlines, civil society has ideas about how to save the UN by putting people at its heart. The UNMute Civil Society initiative, backed by over 300 organisations and numerous states, makes five calls to improve civil society’s involvement: using digital technologies to broaden participation, bridging digital divides by focusing on connectivity for the most excluded, changing procedures and practices to ensure effective and meaningful participation, creating an annual civil society action day as an opportunity to assess progress on civil society participation and appointing a UN civil society envoy.

Each of these ideas is practical and could open up space for greater reforms. A UN civil society envoy could, for example, promote best practices in civil society participation across the UN and ensure a diverse range of civil society is involved in the UN’s work.

Civil society is also calling for competitive Human Rights Council elections, with a civil society role in scrutinising candidates, and limits on Security Council veto powers. And as time approaches to pick a new UN Secretary-General, civil society is mobilising the 1 for 8 billion campaign, pushing for an open, transparent, inclusive and merit-based selection process. The office has always been held by a man, and the call is for the UN to make history by appointing a feminist woman leader.

These would all offer small steps towards making the UN system more open, democratic and accountable. There’s nothing impossible or unimaginable about these ideas, and times of crisis create opportunities to experiment. States that want to reverse the tide of attacks on international cooperation and revitalise the UN should work with civil society to take them forward.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org.

 

Collapse of Gaza Ceasefire and its Devastating Impact on Women and Girls 1 Apr 9:14 PM (6 days ago)

Women walk along destroyed streets in Gaza. Credit: UNDP/Abed Zagout

By Maryse Guimond
JERUSALEM, Apr 2 2025 (IPS)

The end of the tenuous ceasefire in Gaza is having disastrous consequences for women and girls. From 18 to 25 March—in just those 8 days, 830 people were killed—174 women, 322 children, with 1,787 more injured.

Let me break that down because these are not just numbers, they are people: every single day from the 18 to 25 March, an average of 21 women and over 40 children are killed.

This is not collateral damage; this is a war where women and children bear the highest burden. They comprise nearly 60 per cent of the recent casualties, a harrowing testament to the indiscriminate nature of this violence.

What we are hearing from our partners and the women and girls we serve is a call to end this war, to let them live. It is a situation of pure survival and survival of their families. Because as they say, there is simply nowhere to go. They are telling us they will not move again, since no safe places anyway.

As a woman recently said to us from Deir Al Balah, “My mother says, ‘Death is the same, whether in Gaza City or Deir al-Balah… We just want to return to Gaza.” This is a feeling that is shared by many other women I had an opportunity to meet with during my last visit in January and February.

The UN says Gaza is facing a food crisis.

Another woman from Al-Mirak tells us “We’re glued to the news. Life has stopped. We didn’t sleep all night, paralyzed. We can’t leave. My area is cut off. I’m terrified of being hit – every possible nightmare races through my mind.” This is simply no way of living.

Since March 2nd, humanitarian aid has been halted by the Israelis. And people’s lives are again at risk since the Israeli bombardments resumed on March 18.

The ceasefire, while brief, had provided some breathing. During that time, I had the opportunity to visit some of our partner organizations who were repairing their offices in Gaza City with what material was available. I saw neighbours coming together to clean some of the rubble on their streets, heard children playing. Met with women who expressed their fragile hope for peace and for rebuilding their lives. I saw thousands of people on the roads back to Gaza City.

And now that hope is gone. For now, 539 days, the relentless war has ravaged Gaza, obliterating lives, homes, and futures. This is not merely a conflict; it is a war on women—on their dignity, their bodies, their very survival.

Women have been stripped of their fundamental rights, forced to exist in a reality where loss is their only constant. Cumulatively, over 50,000 people have been killed and more than 110,000 injured.

It is crucial to protect the rights and dignity of the people of Gaza, especially women and girls, who have borne the brunt of this war. Women are desperate for this nightmare to cease. But the horror persists, the atrocities escalate, and the world seems to be standing by, normalizing what should never be normalized.

As we have seen in these 18 months of war, women play a crucial role during times of crisis. However, after all this time, they speak of being trapped in a never-ending nightmare.

This war must end. I, and others, have echoed this plea countless times, amplifying the voices of the women inside Gaza. Yet the devastation deepens.

What will we tell future generations when they ask? That we did not know? That we did not see?

International humanitarian law must be upheld. The systems we established to protect humanity must be respected. All humans must be treated equally. This war is shattering core values and principles.

As UN Women, we join the UN Secretary-General in his strong appeal for the ceasefire to be respected, for unimpeded humanitarian access to be restored, and for the remaining hostages and all those arbitrarily detained to be released immediately and unconditionally.

Maryse Guimond, UN Women Special Representative in Palestine, speaking at the Palais des Nations from Jerusalem, on the disastrous consequences for women and girls following the end of a tenuous ceasefire in Gaza.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Bangladesh Chief Advisor’s China Tour Cements Dhaka-Beijing Relations 1 Apr 8:16 AM (7 days ago)

Bangladesh Chief Adviser Prof. Muhammad Yunus meets Chinese President Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on the third day of his four-day visit to China. Photo: Rafiqul Islam/IPS

By Rafiqul Islam
BEIJING, Apr 1 2025 (IPS)

Bangladesh’s Chief Adviser, Professor Muhammad Yunus’s state visit to China, where he met Chinese President Xi Jinping, was seen as an opportunity to reaffirm old diplomatic and economic ties between the two countries.

During the meeting, Xi recalled Chinese-Bangladesh’s long-standing history of friendly exchanges, saying the ancient Silk Road closely linked the two countries.

Terming Bangladesh a good neighbour, good friend and good partner of mutual trust, he said China maintains a high degree of stability and continuity in its good-neighbourly and friendly policy toward Bangladesh, as this year marks the 50th anniversary of the establishment of China-Bangladesh diplomatic relations.

“China is ready to work with Bangladesh to bring China-Bangladesh cooperation to new heights and deliver greater benefits to the two peoples, Xi said, stressing that China and Bangladesh should continue to deepen political mutual trust and firmly support each other on issues related to mutual interests.

Yunus said Bangladesh and China share a profound friendship and have always understood, respected and trusted each other.

Claiming China is a reliable partner and friend of Bangladesh, he said Bangladesh firmly supports the one-China principle.

The Chief Adviser said Bangladesh is willing to use the 50th anniversary of the establishment of Bangladesh-China diplomatic relations as an opportunity to enhance bilateral relations.

Bangladesh sought more Chinese investment, which will help it promote its economic transition.

Political analysts assert that Yunus’s visit to China has catapulted Bangladesh-China relations to unprecedented heights, with Bangladesh securing a commitment of USD 2.1 billion in Chinese investments, loans, and grants during his historic China tour.

Chinese Ambassador in Dhaka Yao Wen said nearly 30 Chinese companies have pledged to invest USD 1 billion in Bangladesh.

China has also planned to lend some USD 400 million in the Mongla port modernisation project, USD 350 million in the development of the China Industrial Economic Zone and another USD 150 million as technical assistance. The rest of the amount would come as grants and other forms of lending.

“It is a milestone visit,” Yao Wen said.

During the bilateral meeting, Yunus asked Xi to approve the investment of Chinese private companies in Bangladesh.

The Chinse President affirmed that he would encourage Chinese firms to set up manufacturing plants in Bangladesh.

The talks between Yunus and Xi were comprehensive, fruitful and constructive, marked by warmth, Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary, Shafiqul Alam, said.

Chart Roadmap for Shared Prosperity

On March 27, Yunus addressed the Boao Forum for Asia (BFA) Annual Conference in Hainan, asking the Asian nations to chart a clear roadmap for a shared future and shared prosperity.

“In this changing world, the fates of Asian countries are intertwined. We must chart a clear roadmap for a shared future and shared prosperity,” he said.

The Chief Adviser also focused on creating a sustainable financing mechanism for Asian countries. “We need reliable funds that address our challenges and meet our growing demands.”

About trade cooperation, he said Asia remains one of the least integrated regions and this weak integration stifles investment and trade.

“We must work to boost trade cooperation immediately,” he said.

Referring to food and agriculture cooperation, Yunus said the Asian countries should promote resource-efficient farming and domestic production must be enhanced for food security.

“We need to reduce import reliance and achieve self-sufficiency. Expanding tech-based sustainable agricultural solutions and innovation in regenerative and climate-smart farming is key,” he said.

The Bangladesh Chief Adviser stressed building a strong tech ecosystem, sharing knowledge and data and investing in technology incubation and innovation in Asia.

About social business to solve social problems, he said every young person should grow up as a three-zero person: zero net carbon emissions, zero wealth concentration, and zero unemployment through entrepreneurship in social business.

“This is the shared future we in Asia must create together,” he added.

In his speech, Yunus underscored shifting toward sustainable economic models prioritising people and the planet over profits.

“We must shift toward sustainable economic models that prioritise people and the planet over profits,” he said.

Besides, the Chief Adviser focused on the long-pending Rohingya crisis, calling upon the Asian leaders to come forward towards ensuring safe and dignified repatriation of displaced Rohingyas to Myanmar.

“Bangladesh has been hosting over 1.2 million Rohingyas, who are Myanmar nationals, for over seven years. We continue to bear significant social, economic, and environmental costs,” he said.

On the sidelines of the conference, Yunus held meetings with Chairman of the Boao Forum for Asia and former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk and FAO Director General Qu Dongyu, among others, too.

Imagine Changing the World

On March 29, 2025, at a function at Peking University (PKU) in Beijing, Yunus urged students to think broadly and strive to transform the world.

“A university or educational institution is not only a place to learn what happens but to imagine,” he said.

Terming imagination the greatest power of the earth, Yunus said, “If you imagine, it will happen. If you do not imagine, it will never happen.”

The Bangladesh Chief Adviser said imagination is more powerful than anything “we can bring together”.

“Human journey is about making the impossible possible. That is our job. And we can make it happen,” Yunus said.

He said people become poor due to wrong economic systems, as all people are not given a fair chance in such systems.

He stressed promoting human beings to become entrepreneurs, not to be job seekers, saying, “All human beings are entrepreneurs.”

Yunus received an honorary doctorate degree from Peking University.
IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Greenland: A Brief Chronicle of a US Historical Interest 1 Apr 5:20 AM (7 days ago)

Panoramic view of the colorful village of Kulusuk in eastern Greenland – Kulusuk, Greenland – Melting iceberg releasing water into the sea. Credit: Shutterstock.

By Manuel Manonelles
BARCELONA, Spain, Apr 1 2025 (IPS)

“…I am convinced that Greenland’s importance to U.S. interests will grow. Thanks to geography, historical ties (…), the United States has the inside track when competing for influence in Greenland (even as the Chinese have now started making regular visits)…” This quote from a diplomatic cable sent by the U.S. embassy in Copenhagen to Washington might seem recent, perhaps just before President Trump’s abrupt announcement of his intentions to “buy” or “annex” Greenland from Denmark, but that is not the case.

This message is actually seventeen years old, dating back to May 16, 2008. It is one of several Greenland-related cables that came to light with WikiLeaks, highlighting the fact that U.S. interest in Greenland is nothing new. It has been a consistent theme in U.S. foreign policy for at least the last 150 years.

The first documented discussion within the U.S. Government about acquiring Greenland dates back to 1867, the same year the U.S. purchased Alaska from the Russian Empire for $7.7M.

After so many failed attempts by the U.S. to purchase Greenland over the past 150 years, what makes Trump believe that he will succeed? Is the current White House policy—so aggressive and public—really the best way for the U.S. to regain influence, or even secure a new role in Greenland?

Around that time, internal consultations took place in the U.S. Federal Government regarding the possibility of buying Greenland (along with Iceland) for around $5.5M. In fact, the State Department even published a report on the matter in 1868. However, as we know, this proposal never materialized.

More fruitless discussions followed in 1910, and then, suddenly, another purchase occurred in 1916. This time, the U.S. government bought not Greenland but the Danish West Indies in the Caribbean (now known as the U.S. Virgin Islands) from Denmark for $25M.

The relevance of this purchase in the Greenland case is substantive because one provision in the international treaty that formalized the deal—known as the Treaty of the Danish West Indies—stated that the U.S. Government “will not object to the Danish Government extending their political and economic interests to the whole of Greenland.”

Because in 1916 Denmark controlled significant portions of Greenland but not the entire island. However, following the West Indies deal with the U.S., and with Washington’s consent, Denmark began a series of diplomatic movements that eventually allowed it to declare full sovereignty over all of Greenland. Only Norway contested this claim but lost in the International Court of Justice in 1933.

In April 1940, Nazi Germany occupied Denmark, and following that, the U.S. occupied Greenland, in order to prevent its seizure by Germany or eventually by Canada or even by the UK.

After WWII, the Danish government expected the U.S. to withdraw its troops. However, to their surprise, in 1946, the U.S. made a new proposal to purchase Greenland, this time offering $100M. Once again, the deal did not go through, and despite Copenhagen’s diplomatic efforts, the U.S. military stayed.

With the creation of NATO—and Denmark being one of its founding members—Copenhagen changed its policy, accepting the status quo. In 1951, Denmark signed an agreement allowing the U.S. to continue its military and defense activities in Greenland. In 1955, new serious discussions within the U.S. government about another potential offer emerged, and there is evidence that Vice President Nelson Rockefeller was behind another unsuccessful attempt in 1970.

With the end of the Cold War, U.S. interest in Greenland dramatically decreased, and most U.S. military bases on the island were dismantled, except for the one in Pituffik (then known by the Danish name of Thule).

With the start of the new millennium, the increasing effects of climate change and the escalation of geostrategic interest in the Arctic region, Washington reactivated its interest in the largest island on the planet.

However, this time rather than proposing another purchase to Denmark—after so many failed attempts—the U.S. opted for a more subtle policy, indirectly supporting Greenland’s pro-independence movement. The idea was that a newly independent and potentially weak Greenland could be more easily influenced by the U.S.

The surprise came in 2019 when President Trump reignited public debate on the issue and even cancelled an official trip to Copenhagen at the last minute after the Danish Prime Minister publicly rejected the possibility of selling Greenland.

With Biden in office, the issue was largely forgotten—until recently, when Trump brought it back, adopting an even more aggressive approach. It is no coincidence, then, that the U.S. opened a Consulate in Nuuk, Greenland’s capital, in 2020, despite the country’s small population of around 50,000 people and a negligible number of U.S. residents, aside from the few U.S. military personnel stationed at Pituffik.

The key questions here are: after so many failed attempts by the U.S. to purchase Greenland over the past 150 years, what makes Trump believe that he will succeed? Is the current White House policy—so aggressive and public—really the best way for the U.S. to regain influence, or even secure a new role in Greenland? Could this approach, in fact, jeopardize U.S. interests in the region in the long term? And last but not least, beyond the Danish Government, the Greenlanders may have something to say, and judging by the results of the recent elections, it seems they are not really in the mood to accept Trump’s expansionism.

Manuel Manonelles is Associate Professor of International Relations at Blanquerna-Ramon Llull University in Spain

UN Staff Put on Alert — as US Visa Holders Face Threats and Deportation 31 Mar 11:24 PM (7 days ago)

Credit: United Nations

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 1 2025 (IPS)

The Trump administration’s ground-rules are dangerously clear—and devastating.

If you are a pro-Palestinian demonstrator, denouncing Israeli atrocities in Gaza, you are either a supporter of the “terrorist organization” Hamas or you are described as anti-Semitic veering on hate crimes liable for prosecution.

The US is planning to cancel over 300 visas and has threatened to deport students who participated in pro-Palestinian demonstrations in-and-outside university campuses—and also warned it would revoke the green cards of permanent residents.

The New York Times March 31 quoted Stephen Walt, a professor of international relations at Harvard University, as saying, the Trump administration is following a familiar playbook towards strongman rule.

“First the judges, then the universities, then the press, then the lawyers—there are no rules Trump is not willing to break.”

So, is the United Nations far behind? —And are the privileges and protection provided to UN diplomats and staffers in the 1947 UN-US headquarters agreement in jeopardy?

The new ground rules, meanwhile, have prompted the UN to send a memo to staffers cautioning about their activities outside the UN premises.

The memo, released last month, reads: “We must be mindful at all times of our rights and duties as international civil servants, which require us to act independently and impartially.”

“Please take a moment to familiarize yourselves with the policies on the Status, basic rights and duties of United Nations staff members; outside activities; and the guidelines for the personal use of social media”.

Accordingly, “we should frame any public communications, including through the personal use of social media, in a manner that is consistent with the position of the Organization and the statements of the Secretary-General.”

Dr Palitha Kohona, a former Chief of the UN Treaty Section, told IPS: “To begin with, UN staffers must comply with their legal and moral obligations to act consistent with the Charter, including in making statements”.

There is no room, he pointed out, to give expression to personal prejudices in this context. “Their responsibility is to ensure that the Charter mandated requirements are satisfied in all their actions”.

“If the host authorities were to take offence at a UN staffer discharging his/her responsibilities consistent with the Charter, then we have a problem,” he said.

One would expect that the host state, which always cites chapter and verse of the law to justify its actions, would also act within the perimeters set by treaties and other legal norms.

“But it is also a fact that we live in challenging times”, said Dr Kohona, a former Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations, and most recently Ambassador to China.

A second UN memo to staffers is equally cautious in its warning.

Titled “Proof of Identity if Stopped by Authorities in New York,” the memo reads: “We would like to remind all staff members and their families of the importance of carrying a form of identification at all times. This may include your United Nations identification card (UN Grounds Pass) or a copy of your national passport with G-4 visa (paper copy or digital copy on your phone).”

“While the likelihood of a situation requiring you to produce such documents to confirm your identity/employment remains low, we want to ensure that everyone is prepared. Should you be detained and require immediate support in this regard, please contact the UN Security & Safety Service Control Center at (212) 963-6666 (available 24/7)”.

Asked if there were any threats to diplomats or staffers, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters: “’t think, there is no indication that there is a targeting of UN staff or diplomatic staff. I think some colleagues were probably a little nervous. And I think, it’s basic advice.

And if you’re not a citizen of a country and you’re in that country, carry some ID to prove your status. And that was what the advice given to our colleagues”, he said.

Asked about revoking 300 visas, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio told reporters last week: “No, no, no, you guys – you asked – the question was, was there 300? I know that number’s been cited. I said it might be more because we’re doing them every day, primarily student visas, and some visitor visas.”

“I don’t know actually if it’s primarily student visas. It’s a combination of visas. They’re visitors to the country. If they’re taking activities that are counter to our foreign – to our national interest, to our foreign policy, we’ll revoke the visa”, he warned.

Are all of those related to pro-Palestinian protests?

“I’m trying to remember – there’s a lot of them now, because I’ve gone through every one of them. I think there might be a few that are not, that are related to other groups that are – of people – we’ve also identified – but this actually is – it should be automatically revoked. We’ve also identified people that have criminal charges and even while in the country, and still have active visas. Some are unrelated to any protests and are just having to do with potential criminal activity,” he declared.

Meanwhile, in a memo to staffers, Narda Cupidore, President of the UN Staff Union (UNSU) said the Union recognizes that these are incredibly challenging times, with anxiety and uncertainty being experienced due to the organization’s current financial situation.

The global situation only adds to this stress, and the lack of consistent and timely information is frustrating, she argued, especially with the frequent negative media coverage. It is important to be discerning with information received and be mindful of its source and accuracy of content.

Social media, as a source of information about the United Nations, often creates unnecessary fear, she pointed out. “I take this opportunity to remind all to exercise personal safety and be aware of your surroundings, always remain vigilant and alert. Practice good judgment when engaging with local law enforcement in the Host Country using courtesy and respect as a general principle.”

As international civil servants and foreign nationals, she pointed out, “we are guests in the Host Country, and we are expected to comply with local laws. Should you experience or encounter any issues (during travel or otherwise), report these incidents to your respective Executive Office and copy the Staff Union and Staff Representative in your reporting”.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Forest Guards Risking Their Lives To Keep Malawi’s Forests Standing 31 Mar 1:31 AM (8 days ago)

This sugarcane plantation in front of a government forest reserve is largely under community stewardship in Chiradzulu District. People from the village below take turns patrolling the area and raising awareness about the importance of not cutting down trees, as the forest serves as a vital source of water for their sugarcane and vegetable fields, as well as for domestic use. Credit: Charles Mpaka/IPS

By Charles Mpaka
BLANTYRE, Mar 31 2025 (IPS)

In Malawi, being a forest guard isn’t a glamorous, sought-after job. And it has often been quiet, enjoying almost no publicity – until recently amid the worsening crashing down of the country’s forests, which is making the occupation increasingly perilous.

In 2024 alone, a total of eight forest rangers got killed in separate incidents while in the line of duty, according to the Ministry of Natural Resources, which is responsible for the management of 88 forest reserves and 11 plantations across the country.

Malawi has not recorded such a high number of forest guard killings before, says the ministry, admitting that the hostility towards its frontline staff by illegal charcoal producers and loggers is getting alarming.

“People who are destroying our forests are on the loose. They are killing our forestry officials,” says Minister of Natural Resources Owen Chomanika.

He said this at a meeting his ministry had convened in January 2025 to discuss with other forestry sector players strategies to stem the tide of forest destruction in Malawi.

What prompted the meeting was a brazen operation on a government plantation on Zomba Mountain in the east of the country.

Over several weeks, young men armed with machetes, saws and axes, moving in groups numbering between 50 and 100, according to local media, invaded the plantation every morning, cutting down pine trees and carrying away the contraband through the streets of the city below in full public spectacle.

With government forest guards overwhelmed, the ministry had to engage the Malawi Defence Force and Malawi Police Service to crack down on the illegal operation.

Data from the Global Forest Watch show that between 2001 and 2023, Malawi lost almost a quarter of a million hectares of its 1.5 million hectares of tree cover. In 2023 alone, the country lost almost 23,000 hectares of tree cover, the highest forest loss Malawi has suffered in a single year since 2001.

This devastation is falling even on protected forests where the government deploys forest guards. As  deforestation mounts – driven by worsening poverty, ever-rising demand for charcoal for cooking and farmland expansion – these forest security staff have the unenviable task of pushing back the avalanche.

They are risking their lives by doing this.

On February 14, 2025, three forest rangers sustained various degrees of injuries after being attacked by people from villages around Kaning’ina forest in Mzimba District in northern Malawi. The incident happened when the guards intercepted eight people who were illegally cutting down trees in the forest.

Three days later, five forestry officers were wounded when community members around Chikala forest in Machinga District in the east pelted stones at them, their crime being that they had arrested some men from the village who they had found producing charcoal illegally in the reserve.

From being stoned to death to being hacked in the face to being chased and beaten by irate mobs, forest guards in Malawi are increasingly coming into the firing line as they go out to enforce the law. Principal Secretary in the Ministry of Natural Resources, Yusuf Nkungula, attributes the trend partly to internal challenges.

“The challenges may be structural and operational. Structural challenges may be grouped as the number of guards that are available at one particular time versus the number of offenders,” he says.

Operationally, he says, lack of proper equipment like guns means that the guards are unable to suppress the pressures they face from the offenders.

“Commonly, guards are attacked by offenders because they are not fully equipped to fight back. Because of this, in 2024 alone, eight forest guards were killed in the line of duty,” Nkungula tells IPS.

Sometimes, the ministry engages the Malawi Police Service, the Malawi Defence Forces and national parks and wildlife rangers to help with patrols in deforestation hotspots, but these are short-term interventions.

“These engagements are always very expensive; as such, they don’t happen continuously, hence still creating spaces for offenders to do illegal activities,” he says.

Currently, the forestry department has 806 guards deployed to forest reserves and plantations, way below the 4,772 forest guards which the department requires now, he says.

The department also struggles to equip even these few guards due to inadequate funding. Since 1998, not in a single year has the department received half of its budget requirement. According to Nkungula, the 2024-25 financial year was the worst, as Treasury disbursed only 30 percent of the budget for the department.

“On average, 40 percent of the budget has been accessed annually in the previous 5 years. The shortfall adversely affects the operations of the department at all levels, resulting in failure to achieve some important targets,” he says.

Notable challenges resulting from such financial shortfalls include failure to properly develop plantation forestry, fight increased forest fires, bust increased illegal charcoal production and exacerbate corruption, the ministry says.

Environmental activist Charles Mkoka says the attacks on forest guards and the inadequate funding paint a gloomy picture of forest governance in Malawi as some groups of people exploit the institutional weaknesses to become a law unto themselves.

“As a result, the future of the country’s forest resources is at great risk—an issue that should concern all Malawians,” says Mkoka, who is also Executive Director for the Coordination Union for the Rehabilitation of the Environment, a local organisation.

Mkoka says these hostile communities can be instruments of forest restoration, drawing lessons from other communities that have become agents of forest recovery and understanding the devastating impacts of forest destruction on people’s lives.

“We have forestry resources in some areas that have successfully recovered through natural regeneration and are now thriving. What this points to is the need for concerted efforts among communities and authorities in managing these resources.

“We also need to learn from the devastating effects of the recent cyclones that caused mayhem as a result of widespread ecosystem degradation,” he says.

The rapid rate of deforestation undermines Malawi’s 2063 aspiration of becoming a developing country that has more than 50 percent of forest cover and a deforestation rate below 0.22 percent a year.

In the agenda, Malawi sees environmental sustainability as key to sustainable development and advances development programming that minimises depletion of natural resources.

“Our underlying concern as a people is that while we might enjoy the spoils of the environment today, we owe it to future generations of Malawians to do so responsibly and sustainably with an ethic of care,” reads the blueprint.

As both forests and forest guards fall, putting Malawi’s development goals in jeopardy, the Ministry of Natural Resources is rolling up its sleeves for a fight.

Hoping for improved funding, it plans to recruit 2,466 more forest guards in the 2025-26 financial year. The process will continue until the target of 6,000, the number the ministry believes will be adequate for effective policing of Malawi’s forests.

Government is also focusing on deepening community participation to plug the shortages in forest security staff and enhance local stewardship in forest management.

In addition, since forest invaders are becoming more militant, unleashing armed terror on forest rangers, the department is bolstering the military capacity of its frontline staff.

“The winning formula in terms of tackling the offenders is to make sure that the department becomes paramilitary, as in parks and wildlife.

“To this effect, 205 forest guards have completed training in weapon handling. These trainings will continue until all officers are trained,” Nkungula says.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Global Climate Action Progressing, but Speed and Scale Still Lacking 30 Mar 11:29 PM (8 days ago)

Former Executive Secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Christiana Figueres, speaking during a press briefing with the Oxford Climate Journalism Network on March 27. Credit: Alison Kentish/IPS

By Alison Kentish
Mar 31 2025 (IPS)

2025 marks the tenth anniversary of the Paris Climate Agreement. One of its chief architects, Christiana Figueres, says the world is heading in the right direction but warns that urgent action is needed to close critical gaps.

The pact, adopted in 2015 by 195 nations, set out to limit global warming to “well below 2°C” above pre-industrial levels, striving for 1.5°C. But in 2024, the world shattered records as the hottest year ever, surpassing that crucial threshold.

Speaking at a press briefing with the Oxford Climate Journalism Network on March 27, Figueres said while technology and investment are advancing, the world is not moving fast enough.

“We’re far behind,” she said. “We have very clear data points of all of the technologies that are exponentially growing on both sides of the market – the supply side as well as the demand – and we can see that all of that is moving, as well as investment. That definitely defines the direction of travel and the decarbonisation of the global economy is by now irreversible with or without the craziness in the United States. What still is not at the level that we should have is speed and scale.”

A co-founder of Global Optimism, an organisation focused on hope and action in the face of climate change, Figueres emphasised the urgency of the crisis while highlighting the global capacity to address it.

While one in five people globally already experience climate impacts daily, and climate-related costs rose to $320 billion last year, investment in clean technology is outpacing fossil fuels, she noted.

“We had last year two times the level of investment into clean technology versus fossil fuels and the prices continue to fall. Every year they fall even more and more. Solar prices last year fell by a whopping 35%. Electric vehicle batteries fell by 20%,” she said.

Figueres also spoke about the disproportionate burden placed on small island nations, which are already importing fossil fuels at the cost of up to 30% of their national budgets. “These islands are importing the poison that is directly threatening their survival,” she argued, stressing the need for renewable energy solutions like wind and hydro to replace fossil fuels.

The former head of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) also praised the role of small island states in maintaining the integrity of international climate agreements. “It’s not the size of the nation but the integrity of their position that matters,” she said, noting how these nations have consistently held larger emitters accountable.

Asked about the Paris Agreement’s architecture, Figueres defended its approach.

“The Paris Agreement is really strange in its legal bindingness. It is legally binding to all countries that have ratified it, but what is binding is the overall trajectory of decarbonisation to get to net zero by 2050. What is not binding is the level of the NDCs which are the nationally determined contributions that every country has to submit every 5 years and be held accountable against that,” she said, likening the agreement’s style to running a marathon, “the goal is clear, but the pace is up to each runner.”

Figueres says the COP process was designed in the early 1990s as a multilateral platform for countries to negotiate agreements aimed at addressing climate change collectively – something that was critical for establishing frameworks like the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. She stressed that with agreements in place to guide global decarbonisation until 2050, the next phase of climate talks should focus on implementation rather than new negotiations.

“The implementation is mostly on the part of the private sector and the financial sector. Do  they need governments to support them? Absolutely, so what governments need to do is to put regulations, incentives, and tax credits in place to accelerate investment in the sectors that we know are going to address climate change and to give long-term certainty to the private sector so that they can do their planning, but those regulations, those incentives, and those tax breaks are not to be negotiated between countries. They are to be enacted nationally, domestically.”

With COP 30 approaching, Figueres urged countries to take a long-term view in their climate planning. “NDCs should align government and private sector ambitions with the next decade’s possibilities, not just the current technologies,” she said.

As host country Brazil prepares for the 2025 UN Climate Talks, Figueres called for a holistic approach to climate policy, linking energy, industry, and nature. She also cautioned against framing COP 30 as a “last chance”, emphasising that it should be seen as a milestone in a longer journey toward global climate goals.

2025 marks the tenth anniversary of the Paris Climate Agreement. One of its chief architects, Christiana Figueres says the world is heading in the right direction but warns that urgent action is needed to close critical gaps.

The pact, adopted in 2015 by 195 nations, set out to limit global warming to “well below 2°C” above pre-industrial levels, striving for 1.5°C. But in 2024, the world shattered records as the hottest year ever, surpassing that crucial threshold.

Speaking at a press briefing with the Oxford Climate Journalism Network on March 27, Figueres said while technology and investment are advancing, the world is not moving fast enough.

“We’re far behind,” she said. “We have very clear data points of all of the technologies that are exponentially growing on both sides of the market – the supply side as well as the demand – and we can see that all of that is moving, as well as investment. That definitely defines the direction of travel and the decarbonisation of the global economy is by now irreversible with or without the craziness in the United States. What still is not at the level that we should have is speed and scale.”

A co-founder of Global Optimism, an organisation focused on hope and action in the face of climate change, Figueres emphasised the urgency of the crisis while highlighting the global capacity to address it.

While one in five people globally already experience climate impacts daily, and climate-related costs rose to $320 billion last year, investment in clean technology is outpacing fossil fuels, she noted.

“We had last year two times the level of investment into clean technology versus fossil fuels and the prices continue to fall. Every year they fall even more and more. Solar prices last year fell by a whopping 35%. Electric vehicle batteries fell by 20%,” she said.

Figueres also spoke about the disproportionate burden placed on small island nations, which are already importing fossil fuels at the cost of up to 30% of their national budgets. “These islands are importing the poison that is directly threatening their survival,” she argued, stressing the need for renewable energy solutions like wind and hydro to replace fossil fuels.

The former head of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) also praised the role of small island states in maintaining the integrity of international climate agreements. “It’s not the size of the nation but the integrity of their position that matters,” she said, noting how these nations have consistently held larger emitters accountable.

Asked about the Paris Agreement’s architecture, Figueres defended its approach.

“The Paris Agreement is really strange in its legal bindingness. It is legally binding to all countries that have ratified it, but what is binding is the overall trajectory of decarbonisation to get to net zero by 2050. What is not binding is the level of the NDCs, which are the nationally determined contributions that every country has to submit every 5 years and be held accountable against that,” she said, likening the agreement’s style to running a marathon, “the goal is clear, but the pace is up to each runner.”

Figueres says the COP process was designed in the early 1990s as a multilateral platform for countries to negotiate agreements aimed at addressing climate change collectively – something that was critical for establishing frameworks like the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. She stressed that with agreements in place to guide global decarbonisation until 2050, the next phase of climate talks should focus on implementation rather than new negotiations.

“The implementation is mostly on the part of the private sector and the financial sector. Do  they need governments to support them? Absolutely, so what governments need to do is to put regulations, incentives, and tax credits in place to accelerate investment in the sectors that we know are going to address climate change and to give long-term certainty to the private sector so that they can do their planning, but those regulations, those incentives, and those tax breaks are not to be negotiated between countries. They are to be enacted nationally, domestically.”

With COP 30 approaching, Figueres urged countries to take a long-term view in their climate planning. “NDCs should align government and private sector ambitions with the next decade’s possibilities, not just the current technologies,” she said.

As host country Brazil prepares for the 2025 UN Climate Talks, Figueres called for a holistic approach to climate policy, linking energy, industry, and nature. She also cautioned against framing COP 30 as a “last chance”, emphasising that it should be seen as a milestone in a longer journey toward global climate goals.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Excerpt:

Former UN Climate Chief Christiana Figueres praised the role of small island states in maintaining the integrity of international climate agreements but said the world was far behind and said that the decarbonisation of the global economy is by now irreversible with or without the craziness in the United States.

‘Student Protests Have Sparked Solidarity, Empathy and a Renewed Belief in Collective Action’ 30 Mar 10:15 PM (8 days ago)

By CIVICUS
Mar 31 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses recent protests in Serbia with Alma Mustajbašić, researcher at Civic Initiatives, a Serbian civil society organisation that advocates for democracy, human rights and citizen engagement.

Following the deaths of 15 people in the collapse of the roof of a newly reconstructed railway station in November 2014, student-led protests have swept across Serbia, uniting diverse social groups against governance failures and government corruption. Despite harsh crackdowns including arrests and violence, the movement has employed direct action and effective social media strategies to demand systemic reforms. The movement has even made a rare impact in rural areas through long protest marches, breaking the government-imposed climate of fear and inspiring renewed political engagement.

What triggered the current protests?

Protests started following a tragedy that occurred in Novi Sad, Serbia’s second-largest city, on 1 November last year. That day, the canopy of a newly reconstructed railway station collapsed, killing 15 people. The station had already had two official inaugurations, one in 2022, attended by President Aleksandar Vučić, and another in 2024, in the presence of other high-ranking officials.

The reconstruction contracts, signed with a consortium of Chinese companies, were kept secret, leading many to blame corruption for the collapse. People’s immediate reaction was to protest, holding 15-minute commemorative traffic blockades under the slogan ‘Serbia must stop’, to pressure the authorities to identify and punish those responsible for the tragedy.

At one of the commemorative gatherings outside the Faculty of Dramatic Arts in the capital, Belgrade, protesters including students and professors were attacked by ruling party members and supporters. This was the immediate reason that the students of this faculty, and then from other state universities and some private ones, decided to blockade their institutions and suspend classes until their demands were met. They demanded the publication of all documents related to the station’s reconstruction, which still remained confidential, the dismissal of charges against those arrested and detained during the protests, the identification, prosecution and removal from public office of those responsible for the attacks on students and other protesters, and a 20 per cent increase in the higher education budget.

The tragedy in Novi Sad was a tipping point, but public frustration had been building up for years. Deep-seated corruption, secretive government contracts and ruling party-based recruitment practices have eroded trust in public institutions. With biased media, unfree institutions, unresolved government affairs and consistently unfair elections, many people feel voiceless. The daily targeting of political opponents and Vučić’s increasingly repressive rule only add to the anger.

How has the protest movement evolved?

The Novi Sad station collapse sparked a powerful student movement that united diverse parts of society, quickly gaining support from cultural figures, educators, farmers, industry workers and lawyers. For months, there have been protests almost every day, growing in size and intensity, with tens of thousands participating in road blockades, silent vigils and long marches across Serbia.

In early March, hundreds blockaded the public broadcaster, Radio Television of Serbia, in Belgrade, accusing it of biased coverage favouring Vučić. Vučić had appeared on the main news bulletin condemning the movement, accusing protesters of carrying out a ‘colour revolution’ and being supported from abroad and warning they could ‘end up behind bars’. Clashes erupted as riot police used batons in an attempt to disperse the crowd.

The government has cracked down hard. It has arrested students and orchestrated violent attacks, including serious assaults on female students. There have been reports of phone hacking and smear campaigns in pro-government media. People who support the protests, including teachers and civil society organisations, have also faced intimidation and retaliation.

One of the latest in a series of incidents happened at a protest held in Belgrade on 15 March, which was the largest in decades, with several hundred thousand people joining, according to independent observers. The 15-minute silence was broken, according to eyewitnesses, by a loud noise and a feeling of heat, which led to a stampede. More than 3,000 people had symptoms that included nausea, headaches, rapid heartbeat, hearing loss, anxiety, panic, tremors, disorientation and a sense of losing control. The authorities deny they used a sound cannon against protesters, although one such device was photographed on a police vehicle close to the protest site.

How do these protests compare to previous movements?

Serbia has a long history of civic movements, from student protests in the 1990s to the ‘1 of 5 Million’ protests following an attack on an opposition leader in 2018 and 2023 ‘Serbia Against Violence’ protests following two mass shootings. But these protests have lasted much longer and have received support from wider social groups.

The 2024 student movement is also different from previous ones in several ways. It uses direct democracy, discussing plans and making decisions in plenary meetings. Each faculty has working groups that manage accommodation, logistics, media communication, security and overall coordination. There are no formal leaders. The movement operates as a collective.

As part of Generation Z, protesters use social media effectively, blending creativity and humour to reach a broad audience, which is crucial in a country where media freedom is limited. Their messaging also reaches beyond Serbia’s borders.

This student movement is also different in that its demands are not focused on changing the government for an alternative political option. Protesting students refuse to align with opposition political parties and instead seek to strengthen cooperation with trade unions. They want deeper systemic changes to establish the rule of law and independent institutions. These are calls for profound social change in a society burdened by corruption.

Significant judicial and political reforms will be needed to respond to students’ demands. This won’t be easy, but the momentum suggests people are ready to fight for it.

What are the biggest obstacles to change?

There are numerous obstacles. The biggest are corruption, the lack of independent institutions and the absence of conditions for free and fair elections.

Right now, it’s hard to predict where these protests will lead. Just a few months ago, a movement of this scale, led by young people, seemed unlikely. Yet students have managed to break the climate of fear imposed by the regime and inspire more people to engage in political life.

Students have held long protest marches, walking hundreds of kilometres to support mass demonstrations in other cities and stopping in small towns and villages along the way, reassuring people in rural areas that they are not forgotten. They’ve sparked solidarity, empathy and a renewed belief in collective action. Their determination has sent a powerful message: perseverance can lead to real change.

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SEE ALSO
Serbia: ‘We live in a system that’s allergic to pluralism, with a government hostile to critical voices’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Tamara Branković 02.Jul.2024
Serbia’s suspicious election CIVICUS Lens 26.Jan.2024
Serbia: ‘People are concerned that a critical tool to hold political elites accountable is being taken away’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Raša Nedeljkov 19.Jan.2024

 

Southeast Asia’s Economies Can Gain Most by Packaging Ambitious Reforms 30 Mar 9:30 PM (8 days ago)

Credit: Nikada/iStock by Getty Images

By Anne-Charlotte Paret Onorato
WASHINGTON DC, Mar 31 2025 (IPS)

Southeast Asia’s major economies have made major strides over the last couple of decades. The largest have seen income per capita grow at least three-fold over the past 20 years amid global integration and prudent policymaking.

Vietnam now enjoys an income level that’s 11 times higher than in 2000. Building on such gains to close the region’s gap with high-income countries—an ambition for many seeking to break from the so-called middle-income trap—while challenging, is in reach.

Combining deliberate, ambitious structural overhauls can help the region’s largest economies achieve higher potential economic growth and sustainably attain high income levels. Wide-ranging reforms can build resilience to shocks in the face of uncertainties and help the private sector drive growth.

Packaging together broad, economy-wide reforms, spanning areas from regulation and governance to education, is the best way to achieve that goal, our research shows. Our study of output gains derived from structural reforms in advanced economies and emerging markets suggests that countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam—the five largest emerging markets out of 10 economies in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN—could increase long-term real economic output, on average, by 1.5 percent to 2 percent after two years and up to 3 percent after four years following comprehensive and simultaneous economy-wide reform packages.

Packaging ambitious reforms, however, often entails substantial political economy challenges; efforts on consensus building across key stakeholders is needed to facilitate such an approach and help deliver sustainable gains.

Six countries, four factors

Our analysis aims to help the five of the major ASEAN emerging market economies achieve their goal to join the sixth, Singapore, among the high-income countries in the next two to three decades.

We focus our assessment on four factors: trade and economic openness, economic sophistication, investment and governance conditions, and human development. These are the main broad structural areas to address, though the recommended areas of focus would vary by country.

• While the six main ASEAN economies are generally more open than the average emerging market in the Group of Twenty, these countries still have more barriers to trade—and are relatively harder to trade with—than the median country in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, when measured by the Trade Facilitation Performance index. Improving logistics and trade facilitation to make cross-border transactions faster, cheaper, and less uncertain would help the five largest ASEAN emerging market countries boost economic growth.

• Moreover, as discussed in our Asia-Pacific Regional Economic Outlook in October 2024, addressing the lagging services trade can help maximize pro-competitive gains and technological spillovers, while creating high quality jobs. In fact, the transition to a more services-based economy by emerging markets does not mean that the scope for catching-up with advanced economies’ income levels would be diminished—however, making the most of it requires facilitating the transition to highly productive services.

• The major ASEAN economies are generally well diversified, though with varying degrees of economic complexity, led by Singapore. Countries on the lower end of this spectrum typically have relatively lower levels for education and labor productivity. Spending more and better on high-quality education, improving the quality of learning, and better matching skills with jobs would help these countries improve productivity and move up the sophistication ladder for the economy at large (rather than just in specific sectors).

• In terms of investment attractiveness, the largest ASEAN emerging markets tend to lag the median for OECD countries on governance measures such as government effectiveness and regulatory quality. They are, however, ahead of the average emerging market economy in the G20 in this area. ASEAN countries often show weaker logistics performance and higher business regulation—Singapore being, again, an exception.

• Finally, while domestic credit is relatively ample in the major ASEAN emerging market economies, financial inclusion remains insufficient to support broad-based growth, as reflected in the low share of people with a bank account in some countries. Strengthening governance and anti-corruption efforts, as well as the quality of the infrastructure would also support accountability and business certainty and likely improve investment.

• On human development, it is striking that all major ASEAN emerging market countries enjoy a demographic advantage relative to benchmarks. In other words, they generally have relatively more people working than dependants (such as children and elderly individuals). Therefore, there is an opportunity to implement reforms now before aging populations increase fiscal burdens such as pensions and healthcare.

• Another issue is that these countries generally display greater inequality than the OECD average and lower life expectancy, population health and living standards. There is also a greater prevalence of informal work. Closing these gaps would better support inclusive and resilient growth.

Reforms to prioritize

What structural areas should ASEAN countries focus on to boost growth in a sustained and inclusive way?

Building on analysis in our 2024 selected issues papers on Indonesia and Philippines, we find that packaging reforms yields better output outcomes than a sequenced, gradual approach. A major simultaneous reform package improving business and external regulation, governance, and human development could raise output levels by up to 3 percent after four years. The benefits from enacting a single major economic reform would be more modest.

This result highlights that deliberate, ambitious packages of structural reforms can help the major ASEAN emerging market economies achieve higher potential growth and realize their vision of reaching high-income levels in a sustainable way. Amid a shock-prone global environment, ambitious economy-wide structural reforms can also help build resilience by fostering diversified, broad-based, inclusive growth at the domestic level, and ensuring a credible and robust institutional framework to further unleash private sector-driven growth.

Anne-Charlotte Paret Onorato is an economist in the IMF’s Asia-Pacific Department, where she focuses on Indonesia, and is part of the Analytical Working Group on Industrial Policy. She previously served in the Strategy, Policy and Review Department, where she worked on the IMF’s lending policies, and worked with several countries on external sector issues, including Togo, Argentina and the United States.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Water and Food Security in Europe and Central Asia: A Shared Challenge for a Sustainable and Just Future 28 Mar 11:09 AM (10 days ago)

Viorel Gutu

By Viorel Gutu
ROME, Mar 28 2025 (IPS)

Degrading soil, air pollution, vanishing biodiversity, emerging plant and animal health issues and more are coming together in the current situation of multiple crisis. Ensuring water security is just one, among the many challenges individuals, countries, and the world faces. Yet, we shouldn’t forget that water makes up the largest percentage of our bodies and the same applies to animals, plants and the planet’s surface. The threat of water insecurity is, as we all see, not a petty problem, but one of the greatest challenges of our century.

We need water security to ensure people have food on their plates. Moreover, water security is a catalyst for transforming the food and agricultural sectors to become more efficient, inclusive, resilient and sustainable. Since its founding in 1945, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), has been an advocate for improved natural resource management, and more recently, the Organization is raising its voice every day for the application of sustainable water management practices as a prerequisite for farmers’ resilience and, thus, for safeguarding food security.

The 50-plus countries of Europe and Central Asia are not exempt from this situation, where growing water insecurity threatens to undermine agrifood systems, exacerbate inequalities, and impede progress toward a sustainable future.

For these reasons, water security was selected as the main theme of the Europe and Central Asia Regional Overview of Food Security and Nutrition 2024 report that will be released on 2 April, highlighting the water sector’s interlinkages with agriculture, food security and nutrition.

Growing water insecurity and unequal impacts

Water security in this region is marked by stark disparities. While certain European Union member countries have from more water security, people living in Central Asia and the Caucasus, and the Western Balkans face significant challenges. Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan are among the least water-secure nations in the region, with water consumption exceeding available resources in some cases, worsened by inefficiencies and losses caused by ageing irrigation infrastructure. The human toll is significant: floods and droughts affect over a million people, resulting in USD 14 billion in damages across the region, which brings me to a crucial point: climate change.

Climate change and rising demand for water are exacerbating water scarcity across the region. Variability in precipitation patterns, glacier melt, and prolonged droughts are becoming more frequent and more intense, taking a growing toll on agriculture and especially on farmers. In some parts of the region, energy demands – especially for hydropower in upstream countries like Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan– compete with downstream irrigation needs, highlighting the need for coordinated, transboundary water management.

Water security extends beyond quantity to quality and this aspect shouldn’t be overlooked. Agriculture remains a significant contributor to water pollution in many parts of the region, mostly through fertilizer and pesticide runoff, undermining both food safety and soil health. Ensuring adequate water, sanitation, and hygiene infrastructure is critical to food security, particularly in rural areas.

The way forward: Innovation and governance

The complexity and interlinkedness of food and water security challenges call for innovative solutions and robust governance. FAO advocates for a water-energy-food-ecosystem nexus approach that emphasizes integrated resource management and which considers the needs of all relevant sectors. Among others, precision and digital agriculture, energy-efficient irrigation, reuse of treated wastewater, and nature-based interventions such as we can see in the example of the artificial glaciers in Kyrgyzstan are already contributing to this comprehensive approach.

In Europe and Central Asia, FAO has been putting its 80 years of expertise into supporting countries to strengthen climate resilience and water governance. These efforts include the Regional Water Scarcity Initiative, which focuses on modernizing irrigation, building drought resilience, and improving water quality. Water, sanitation, and hygiene standards are being enhanced in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan under the global One Health approach. Additionally, the Inter-Regional Technical Platform on Water Scarcity facilitates global collaboration and knowledge exchange to support countries in coping with the pursuit of food and water security, for a sustainable social and economic development.

One thing is clear as water: today’s investments in sustainable water management will yield dividends in food security, peace, and prosperity for future generations in Europe and Central Asia, and beyond.

Viorel Gutu, is Assistant Director-General and Regional Representative of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO)

IPS UN Bureau